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Washington’s Child Migrant Dilemma – Julia Preston, 20 Aug 2015

Interviewee: Julia Preston, National Immigration Correspondent, New York Times
Interviewer: Danielle Renwick, Copy Editor/Writer
August 20, 2015

Last year’s influx into the United States of nearly 100,000 children (PDF) from El Salvador, Guatemala, and Honduras has strained an already backlogged immigration system and raises concerns about human and legal rights. The vast majority have presented what U.S. officials call credible asylum claims due to ongoing violence in Central America’s Northern Triangle, yet many have no legal counsel and could face deportation, says Julia Preston, who covers immigration for the New York Times. She says the United States has a responsibility to help bolster policing and justice systems in the migrants’ countries of origin to help stem the tide.

U.S. border officials apprehended nearly seventy thousand unaccompanied minors last year. Where are most of them now?

Most of the unaccompanied minors who came in the surge last summer have been processed out of the [U.S.-run] shelters where they were sent immediately after they were apprehended at the border. In most cases they have been sent to parents and close family members spread out all over the country. Most of these kids are going through court processes. They’re applying for asylum, special juvenile status, or some other form of legal status.

Last year, the estimates were that at least half [of these unaccompanied minors] had parents already in the United States. The percentage of those who had some relative who was able to vouch for them and care for them was probably around 80 percent.

“These kids are coming to be with their families. For that process to work and for the courts to determine who has a good claim and who doesn’t, they need legal assistance.”

A good way to think about what happened with the unaccompanied kids as the number [of arrivals] has continued to build in the last four or five years is spontaneous family reunification. The parents, in many cases, have been here, and in not a few cases they have legal status—if they’re from Honduras or El Salvador they may have Temporary Protected Status—but can’t bring their kids. The parents never anticipated they would be here this long, and now the children they left behind in El Salvador, Honduras, and Guatemala many years ago are teenagers who are vulnerable to the extraordinary and terrible proliferation of criminal gangs, especially in El Salvador and Honduras. Their parents are desperate to get their teenage kids out of there.

Many politicians said last summer, and continue to say, “We need to deport these young people quickly so they can get back to their families in Central America.” But in many cases, their families are here in the United States.

Last summer also saw a surge in families crossing the border. According to U.S. government figures, 88 percent (PDF) of the families in detention have passed the first threshold for claiming asylum, making credible claims that they fear of returning to their home countries. Will that influence the asylum-granting process?

A high percentage of these families have had some terrible experience. A family member has been murdered by a gang; a child has been threatened with rape or, in some cases, has suffered a sexual assault; women have been brutally battered by a family member or someone in their home in Central America. Because more of the women now have legal assistance, they are able to stay in the United States and pursue these asylum claims.

Even though these women’s stories make them legitimate refugees, the legal avenue for them to gain asylum and stay in the United States is narrow. It’s hard to say whether they’ll prevail. What is clear from the 88 percent figure is that a great majority of the women in detention have the beginnings of valid claims and they [ought to] be able to pursue their claims in the courts.

Since October 2013, the United States has filed more than seventy thousand deportation orders against undocumented Central American minors. Do you expect many of them will, in fact, be deported?

Many children are going through the courts without lawyers, and every week new cases are being decided by immigration judges. Children without counsel have poor chances of avoiding deportation. [Editor’s note: According to a
Politico analysis, barely half of the 13,451 unaccompanied minors who underwent deportation proceedings in the last year
had legal counsel.]

I don’t think Americans understand how fundamental it is for these children to have legal assistance in these court proceedings. They have claims and rights to assert their claims in the immigration courts. We’re talking about children. One of the most shocking things you can see—and this happens every day in our immigration courts—is a five- or six-year-old child stand before an immigration judge with no lawyer. It happens all the time, and it shouldn’t in our system.

These kids are coming to be with their families. For the courts to determine who has a good claim and who doesn’t, they need legal assistance.

Nearly three thousand women and children have been held in detention facilities for months. Judge Dolly M. Gee, a federal judge in central California, recently ruled that these detentions violated a long-standing settlement. What will happen to these detained migrants now?

For the moment, nothing. In an attempt to send a message back to Central America—to [discourage] Central American mothers who were considering making this dangerous journey across Mexico with their children—[U.S. President Barack Obama’s] administration created two new family-detention centers in Texas, in Dilley and Karnes. There’s a third, small one in Berks County, Pennsylvania.

Judge Gee said (PDF) these detentions were in violation of a 1997 settlement, Flores v. Reno, which was only being applied to unaccompanied children. The settlement, which Judge Gee said should also apply to children who were apprehended with their parents, provides for those children to be released as fast as possible, and [that] they should be held in facilities that are licensed to care for children. On both those counts she found the administration, in its detention facilities in Dilley and Karnes, is in violation of that agreement.

What was the administration’s response to the ruling?

The response from the government has been to ask Judge Gee to reconsider her entire determination. [On August 6], the government filed a response to Judge Gee saying their goal is to reduce the detention time for these families to twenty days [and that] all they’re going to be doing in these centers is processing: identify people, give them medical checks, give children vaccinations, control any disease that may be present, make an initial assessment of whether families have credible fear of returning to their countries and therefore may be eligible for asylum in the United States.

“We have to address particularly the gang issue [in Central America] in part because we—the United States—have a significant responsibility in creating the problem in the first place.”

The administration didn’t address the licensed facility issue at all. They said, “We disagree with you, Judge Gee, because Flores has never applied to children who aren’t unaccompanied. In addition, we’ve put in place a new set of policies that you haven’t considered in your opinion. So you shouldn’t tell us not to practice detention policies that you describe because we’re not anymore. We’ve stopped.”

Advocates, including the lawyers who have been providing assistance to women and children in detention centers, say, “The administration is saying that there’s been a drastic reduction in the times that these women and children are spending in detention, but we haven’t seen that yet.”

In February, President Obama requested $1 billion from Congress for an aid package to help combat the violence that has spurred much of the migration from Central America. Will this help mitigate what are said to be the causes of this wave of migration?

The big vulnerability of developing democracies [in Central America] and Mexico is that they have not been able to develop functioning justice systems. That is a problem of police corruption—police aren’t paid enough and they’re not valued as a profession. Judges are vulnerable to pressure, and the prison systems are often controlled by the inmates. You have to get to a point where the police can arrest a gang member and put him in jail, and people know it was done in a just fashion and that person is going to remain in jail.

We have to address the gang issue in particular because we—the United States—[bear] a significant responsibility in creating the problem in the first place: Twenty years ago we deported the gang members who went back to their home countries and began this extraordinary proliferation of organized-crime groups in those small and extremely vulnerable countries.

Central American migration to the United States has been slowed largely due to Mexico enforcing immigration controls more stringently along its southern border. Should Mexico be extending more help to these migrants?

Mexico has gone back and forth on this. They’ve modified their immigration system in recent years to allow safe passage of migrants who are just coming through heading to the United States. On the other hand, there was a lot of pressure [from
the United States] on Mexico last summer to do more at the southern border, and so they have been.

Although the number of arrivals to the United States are down from the peak of last summer—at least in terms of unaccompanied children and the families—they’re still high numbers, and those numbers are increasing. In the last couple of weeks there has been another big inflow into the Rio Grande Valley, so the idea that this flow is substantially coming to an end is not something I’m ready to say at this point.

A 21st-Century Migrant’s Essentials: Food, Shelter, Smartphone


Afghans used a generator-powered charging station this month at a camp in Calais, France. The camp’s inhabitants hope to cross the Channel to Britain. Credit Peter Nicholls/Reuters

BELGRADE, Serbia — The tens of thousands of migrants who have flooded into the Balkans in recent weeks need food, water and shelter, just like the millions displaced by war the world over. But there is also one other thing they swear they cannot live without: a smartphone charging station.

“Every time I go to a new country, I buy a SIM card and activate the Internet and download the map to locate myself,” Osama Aljasem, a 32-year-old music teacher from Deir al-Zour, Syria, explained as he sat on a broken park bench in Belgrade, staring at his smartphone and plotting his next move into northern Europe.

“I would never have been able to arrive at my destination without my smartphone,” he added. “I get stressed out when the battery even starts to get low.”

Technology has transformed this 21st-century version of a refugee crisis, not least by making it easier for millions more people to move. It has intensified the pressures on routes that prove successful — like this one through the Balkans, where the United Nations said Tuesday that about 3,000 people a day continued to cross the border from Greece into Macedonia.

Migrants on Tuesday near Roszke, Hungary, on the Serbian border. Many see Hungary as a gateway to wealthier countries. Credit Attila Kisbenedek/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

In this modern migration, smartphone maps, global positioning apps, social media and WhatsApp have become essential tools.

Migrants depend on them to post real-time updates about routes, arrests, border guard movements and transport, as well as places to stay and prices, all the while keeping in touch with family and friends.

The first thing many do once they have successfully navigated the watery passage between Turkey and Greece is pull out a smartphone and send loved ones a message that they made it.

Much of the change is driven by the tens of thousands of middle-class Syrians who have been displaced by war. Such tools are by no means limited to them, and are also used by migrants from Africa and the Middle East to Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Traffickers advertise their services on Facebook like any legitimate travel agency, with dynamic photographs of destination cities and generous offers.

On the Arabic-language Facebook group Trafficking to Europe, one trafficker offers a 50 percent discount for children under 5. The 1,700 euro price of the journey from Istanbul to Thessaloniki, Greece, about $1,900, includes travel by car to and from each side of the border with a two-hour walk across.

“We have cars going every day,” the trafficker boasts. One user asked whether there was a family discount for multiple passengers. And in case one doubts the offer’s veracity, the post has 39 “likes.”

The Trafficking to Europe group, with 6,057 members, is merely one small corner of an entire new world of social media available to Syrians and others making the perilous journey to Europe.

A migrant spoke on his cellphone while waiting for a train to Serbia last week at a station in southern Macedonia. Migrants depend on smartphones to post real-time updates about routes, arrests, border guard movements and transport, and to stay in touch with family and friends. Credit Darko Vojinovic/Associated Press

Syrians are helped along their journeys by Arabic-language Facebook groups like “Smuggling Into the E.U.,” with 23,953 members, and “How to Emigrate to Europe,” with 39,304.

The discussions are both public and private, requiring an invitation from a group administrator. Migrants share photos and videos of their journeys taken on their smartphones.

The groups are used widely by those traveling alone and with traffickers. In fact, the ease and autonomy the apps provide may be cutting into the smuggling business.

“Right now, the traffickers are losing business because people are going alone, thanks to Facebook,” said Mohamed Haj Ali, 38, who works with the Adventist Development and Relief Agency in Belgrade, Serbia’s capital — a major stopover for migrants.

Originally from Syria, Mr. Ali has lived in Belgrade for three years, helping migrants and listening to their stories. At first, he said, most migrants passing through Serbia had paid traffickers for most or all of their trip.

But as tens of thousands completed their journeys, they shared their experiences on social media — even the precise GPS coordinates of every stop along their routes, recorded automatically by some smartphones.

For those traveling today, the prices charged by traffickers have gone down by about half since the beginning of the conflict, Mr. Ali said.

The only part of the journey that most migrants still pay traffickers for, he said, is the crossing from Turkey to Greece. Many migrants now feel able to make the rest of the journey on their own with a GPS-equipped smartphone and without paying traffickers.

Migrants on Tuesday by the Hungary-Serbia border. Serbia is issuing documents to thousands of people, mostly Syrians, and sending them to the capital, Belgrade. Credit Sandor Ujvari/European Pressphoto Agency

Mr. Ali noted the popularity of Facebook groups such as “Smuggle Yourself to Europe Without a Trafficker.”

“Syrians are not idiots,” he said.

Mr. Aljasem, encountered in the park, said he kept in touch with his 21 siblings in five countries through WhatsApp, which requires only an Internet connection. Their private messaging group is called Our Family.

Once he left Syria, Mr. Aljasem said one of the first things he did was get a new smartphone, because it was too dangerous to travel with one in Syria. Soldiers at government checkpoints, as well as at Islamic State checkpoints, commonly demand Facebook passwords, he said. They look at Facebook profiles to determine one’s allegiance in the war.

“If you didn’t give the soldiers your Facebook password, they would beat you, destroy your phone or worse,” Mr. Aljasem said.

The technology is transforming the ways refugees and international aid agencies interact, even before the refugees enter Europe.

The Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees has distributed 33,000 SIM cards to Syrian refugees in Jordan and 85,704 solar lanterns that can also be used to charge cellphones.

“For the U.N.H.C.R., there is a shift in understanding of what assistance provision actually is,” said Christopher Earney of the refugee agency’s innovation office in Geneva.

Pawel Krzysiek, a spokesman for the International Committee of the Red Cross in Damascus, Syria, said smartphones enabled refugees to exchange information and interact with international agencies rather than just receive information passively.

“We are at the end of the social network age and are entering the social messaging age,” Mr. Krzysiek said.

When a water main broke in Aleppo in northern Syria in July, the committee helped organize a network of clean drinking-water points, and posted a map of the sites on Facebook. Mr. Krzysiek said that because of the water crisis, posts on the group’s Facebook Syria page had reached 10 times as many people as regular posts about the group’s activities.

According to a Facebook analytics report, the committee’s map of safe water distribution sites in Aleppo was seen by 133,187 people, and received 14,683 clicks and 4,859 likes, comments and shares.

Another example Mr. Krzysiek gave was a popular Facebook page in Syria reporting real-time counts of mortar rounds falling on Damascus and maps of their locations, allowing users to avoid certain areas.

Mohammed Salmoni, 21, from Kabul, Afghanistan, who had stopped to charge his phone at a newspaper kiosk in Belgrade, credited it with saving his life.

He used it to navigate a 40-hour walk across the Afghan province of Nimruz to the Iranian city of Zahedan. “It was very dangerous,” he said.

For others, cellphones are an archive of still deeper connections.

Shadad Alhassan, 39, said he had “lost everything” when his home was bombed in Damascus, where he once worked installing electrical inverters in a skyscraper under construction.

“My wife died in the bombing,” he said. “Now I have nothing left besides my two sons.” He indicated Wassem, 10, and Nazih, 9, sitting with him on a sleeping bag on the dirt in the park.

His smartphone held photographs, his only connection to the life he once lived.

A version of this article appears in print on August 26, 2015, on page A1 of the New York edition with the headline: A 21st-Century Migrant’s Essentials: Food, Shelter, Smartphone.

La vulnerabilidad de los migrantes en México

Fecha Martes 01 de sep de 2015
Horario 10:30 – 12:30 h (tiempo del pacífico)
Ubicación Auditorio Guillermina Valdés-Villalva
Admisión Entrada libre
transmisión por internet desde www.colef.mx
El Padre Alejandro Solalinde es un incansable luchador social, quien desde 2007 dirige el albergue “Hermanos en el Camino”, en Ixtepec, Oaxaca, donde año con año acuden miles de migrantes en búsqueda de ayuda humanitaria. Solalinde ha hecho públicas las denuncias por homicidio, robo, secuestro, extorsión, asalto y violaciones a los derechos humanos de los migrantes que transitan por México.

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Contacto para mayores informes sobre este evento
Teléfono: +52 (664) 631 6300 Ext.: 1463 correo electrónico: margara
El Colegio de la Frontera Norte

Carretera Escénica Tijuana – Ensenada, Km 18.5, San Antonio del Mar, 22560 Tijuana, Baja California, México.
Correo electrónico: informes. Teléfono (664) 631-6300.

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El Colegio de la Frontera Norte
Política y gestión migratoria en México: cambios recientes e impacto sobre la población extranjera
Política y gestión migratoria en México: cambios recientes e impacto sobre la población extranjera
Fecha Miércoles 26 de ago de 2015
Horario 17:00 – 19:00 h (tiempo del pacífico)
18:00 h – 20:00 h (tiempo de la montaña)
Ubicación Sala de Usos Múltiples de El Colef – Ciudad Juárez
Admisión Entrada libre
transmisión por internet desde www.colef.mx
El Colegio de la Frontera Norte través de la Dirección Regional Noroeste invita a esta Conferencia Magistral, que se llevará a cabo a las 18:00 h en la Sala de Usos Múltiples de El Colef en Ciudad Juárez, que será transmitido a través del portal www.colef.mx

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Contacto para mayores informes sobre este evento
Teléfono: +52 (656) 616 8578 y 616 7490 Ext.: 1461 correo electrónico: jesuspena.catedra
El Colegio de la Frontera Norte

Carretera Escénica Tijuana – Ensenada, Km 18.5, San Antonio del Mar, 22560 Tijuana, Baja California, México.
Correo electrónico: informes. Teléfono (664) 631-6300.

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Número: 2969
Fecha: México, D. F. a 24 de agosto de 2015

To English speakers: below you will find information in English published by American and Canadian press.

<img width="46" height="240" src="cid:image024.jpg

Este es un mensaje el Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior. Si desea visitar alguno de las ligas contenidas en este correo, puede hacerlo con absoluta confianza presionando en "Vaya a este sitio web (no recomendado)."

San Ysidro is the busiest border crossing in the world. More than 30 million people cross every year from Mexico to the United States through that point that connects Tijuana with San Diego. It is also the border crossing that receives the largest number of deportees in the opposite direction. They are taken in buses from a detention center, often in San Diego or Los Angeles, and enter Mexico through a revolving door with horizontal metal bars. One in every five of the 1.8 million Mexicans that U.S. immigration authorities have deported in the last ten years, has returned to Mexico through that door.
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La brutal agresión contra el mexicano Guillermo Rodríguez, por parte de los hermanos Scott y Steve Leader, en Boston, es una llamada de atención. El discurso de odio racial va al alza en Estados Unidos y los migrantes mexicanos son el centro de la estrategia de victimización de la derecha populista que se ha formado detrás del magnate Donald Trump. (…) ¿Qué pueden esperar los migrantes en lugares más conservadores? Los mexicanos que habitan en Estados Unidos, con residencia legal o sin ella, tienen idéntico derecho a gozar de las garantías que poseen los estadunidenses,
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La abogada Kim Hunter recibió en este mes una carta de autoridades migratorias de Estados Unidos en la que le informaron sobre la prohibición a la entrada a un centro de detención de familias en el sur de Texas por haber exigido de manera "beligerante" la liberación de sus clientes una noche a fines de julio. (…) "Nunca había encontrado tanta cantidad de modos de interferir con el acceso", dijo Hunter, que llegó a fines de julio de San Paul, Minnesota, para desempeñarse.
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Alcaldes de los estados fronterizos de México analizarán el comportamiento del empresario contra los mexicanos en su próxima reunión. Los efectos de las declaraciones racistas de Donald Trump serán analizados aquí por alcaldes fronterizos de seis estados de la república para fijar una postura, anunció el presidente municipal, Enrique Serrano. El próximo 11 de septiembre, Serrano será el anfitrión para recibir a los alcaldes de los estados que hacen frontera con Estados Unidos,
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La orden publicada el viernes según la cual la jueza federal Dolly M.Gee ordenó al gobierno federal la liberación de menores con sus madres de centros “familiares” de detención, incluyó un fuerte regaño y rechazo a los argumentos y políticas de la administración del Presidente Barack Obama hacia estos refugiados y hacia el tribunal. En uno de los párrafos más fuertes, Gee acusa al gobierno de intentar “sembrar el temor” al sugerir que la liberación de estas madres con sus hijos generaría mayores cruces ilegales por la frontera.
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In one word, here’s why Donald Trump’s candidacy has gone from sideshow to serious problem for the Republican Party: immigration. Coverage of the party’s 2016 nomination battle early last week was dominated by Trump’s call for mass deportation of undocumented immigrants. Then it shifted to his claim that the Constitution’s Fourteenth Amendment does not guarantee citizenship to babies born in the U.S. to parents who are here illegally, an argument that ignores precedent established by the Supreme Court in 1898.
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It wasn’t supposed to be this way. Nearly six months out from the first votes of a presidential campaign, candidates should be fleshing out who they are and what they stand for. Instead, some of the best-known 2016 candidates are toting heavy baggage that’s proving to be a big distraction from the conversations they’d rather be having with the American people. Like it or not, Hillary Rodham Clinton’s still forced to talk about her email. And Jeb Bush is still trying to distinguish himself from his famous brother and father.
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As Donald Trump did last month, Jeb Bush will visit the U.S.-Mexico border Monday. As Trump did, Bush will meet with local officials to discuss immigration policy and border security during his one-day trip. That’s where the similarities stop. The former Florida governor’s trip has been framed as a Trump contrast tour, designed to highlight the sharp differences between his plan and the current Republican front-runner’s. Bush previewed the message last week: Bush is the “only candidate in the presidential field who has put forward a serious, conservative,
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Donald J. Trump repeatedly side-stepped questions on Sunday about how he would pay for his new plan to deport undocumented immigrants, and he also faced criticism from several rivals for the Republican presidential nomination about his call to end so-called birthright citizenship for children of those immigrants. Mr. Trump, the billionaire businessman whose blunt talk and outsider appeal has helped him build a lead in Republican polls, refused to provide specifics about his immigration plans during phone interviews on two Sunday news programs,
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I was on vacation the past couple weeks, spending time in Canada for three specific reasons: 1) They put cheese curds and gravy on french fries and call it dinner. (They also call it poutine. How was this not invented by an American?) 2) You can ask for maple syrup anywhere and a bear will rush over and start pouring it in your mouth. 3) Donald Trump doesn’t live there. (I assure you, those are not ranked in order of importance.)
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En alguna oportunidad manifesté que al pasado de Estados Unidos se puede conceptualizarlo como la historia del racismo. Aunque dura y poco atractiva, es una caracterización precisa, especialmente hoy cuando las bases del Partido Republicano claman a gritos el regreso de la racialización y la segregación. No es una exageración comparar a muchos republicanos que apoyan la candidatura de Donald Trump con aquellas bases que precedieron al régimen de Adolfo Hitler o aquellas que apoyaron al régimen dictatorial de Augusto Pinochet en Chile.
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GOP presidential hopeful Scott Walker appears to have again shifted his stance on allowing the children of illegal immigrants to automatically gain U.S. citizenship. In an interview on Sunday morning on ABC’s "This Week," the Wisconsin governor said he does not want to alter the 14th Amendment of the Constitution, which states that "all persons born or naturalized in the United States . . . are citizens of the United States."
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No hay nada más despectivo que el término “bebe ancla” porque asume cínicamente que el tener hijos para las familias indocumentadas es parte de un plan maquiavélico para quedarse en el país, para usarlos como un ancla que les impida ser deportados. Cualquiera que escuche este momento del debate sobre inmigración en la elección primaria presidencial republicana pensaría que una de las mayores preocupaciones de los estadounidenses es una multitud de embarazadas en la frontera listas para ingresar a Estados Unidos a dar a luz. Es cierto que los inmigrantes vienen a buscar oportunidades para su familia que nos les brinda en sus respectivos países.
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The debate over a controversial proposal to end the automatic granting of citizenship to children of people in the U.S. illegally is a distraction from what the nation really needs to do to stem the tide of illegal immigration, several Republican presidential candidates said Sunday. On the television network news talk shows, the GOP hopefuls said enforcing U.S. immigration laws would resolve the problem of "birthright citizenship" without having to go through what they see as an impractical effort to end it with a constitutional amendment.
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“Birthright citizenship,” the constitutional rule that a child born in and under the jurisdiction of the United States is a U.S. citizen, is in the news a lot these days. Several G.O.P. candidates, including Chris Christie, Ted Cruz, Lindsey Graham, Bobby Jindal, Rand Paul, Rick Santorum and Scott Walker, have joined Donald Trump in calling for an end to this rule — or at the very least questioning it — as part of their immigration platforms.
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They have funny accents, wear strange outfits, eat really spicy food and some wear turbans. Indian-Americans constitute less than 1 percent of the U.S. population. Yet you will find them at the helm of great companies such as PepsiCo and MasterCard; as presidents and deans of America’s most prestigious colleges; at the pinnacles of journalism; dominating fields such as technology, scientific research and medicine; and thriving in industries such as hospitality, transportation and real estate. They have also achieved extraordinary success in government:
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Wearing Vans shoes and rubber-band bracelets, hair gel and shy smiles, the brothers Brayan and José looked like typical teenagers. But the story they told of their turbulent past year revealed just how far from typical they have traveled. In separate trips, the boys said, they left El Salvador to avoid being recruited by violent gangs and trekked across two countries. They were caught by United States Border Patrol agents in Texas in 2014 and sent to different detention centers for several weeks before being reunited in Elmont, N.Y., with their father, Arturo.
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The thousand-mile journey to the Texas border was supposed to bring the Guatemalan teenagers to a better life. Instead, it was the beginning of a terrible ordeal: prosecutors say they were fraudulently plucked from U.S. custody by conspirators posing as friends or family who forced them to work as virtual slaves. As the country’s immigration system was being overwhelmed by an unprecedented flow of unaccompanied children fleeing unrest in Central America, prosecutors said one of their countrymen orchestrated the scheme to force them to work on egg farms in Ohio.
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Sin exagerar, el inmigrante salvadoreño Luis Ferrer dice que ha llamado por teléfono 300,000 veces a las oficinas del Departamento de Vehículos Motorizados (DMV) entre enero y agosto, para preguntar cuándo le va a llegar la carta para la segunda revisión de los documentos que le permitan obtener una licencia de manejo. “Yo fui el 27 de enero a solicitar la licencia de manejo al DMV. Pasé el examen escrito pero me mandaron a segunda revisión, y ya voy a cumplir siete meses de vivir en una angustiosa espera sin dejar un solo día de ir a revisar el buzón”, comenta Ferrer, un jornalero en Los Ángeles.
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Cuando la mayoría de sus colegas estaba luchando por oportunidades de trabajo o tenía miedo de los despedidos masivos durante una economía dura, Cindy García, colombiana de 25 años, se convirtió profesionalmente en un recurso escaso en el mercado laboral. Estaba dentro del sistema de educación. A través de un programa de la ciudad de Nueva York, García se entrenó para ser una maestra bilingüe de educación especial. Aunque ha habido mucha controversia por los bajos rendimientos de las escuelas a nivel nacional y los despidos de maestros durante la recesión económica, ahora el mayor problema que el sistema está enfrentando es la falta de maestros, sobre todo en el área de educación especial, estudios bilingües, y de ciencias.
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Los hispanos en EEUU están preocupados por los problemas medioambientales de la misma forma que por los temas migratorios, señaló la portavoz de una organización sobre conservación y cambio climático. “Los latinos en EEUU priorizan temas medioambientales de igual manera que hacen con temas sociales importantes y cercanos a sus corazones, y premiarán y apoyarán a los políticos y líderes que protejan el medioambiente”, aseguró Liz Judge, directora de comunicación de Earthjustice. La organización, junto con GreenLatinos, fueron los responsables de una encuesta nacional realizada por Latino Decisions dada a conocer esta semana, y que reveló que los latinos están tan preocupados por la falta de una reforma migratoria como por las políticas medioambientales, el cambio climático y las emisiones de carbono.
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Las Vegas se llenará de grandes estrellas para celebrar las fiestas patrias por la Independencia de México. Luis Miguel, Juan Gabriel, Alejandro Fernández, Plácido Domingo, Marco Antonio Solís, Alejandra Guzmán, Enrique Iglesias, Ricky Martin y Chayanne, son algunos de los cantantes que darán el tradicional grito para los festejos. También se tienen previstas las actuaciones de Ricardo Arjona, Marc Anthony, Pepe Aguilar y Carlos Vives. El primero que empezará con los festejos será ‘El Buki’, quien se presentará el 11 de septiembre en el Planet Hollywood.
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Le gouvernement de l’Ontario a adopté une nouvelle loi sur l’immigration. Il s’agit d’une grande victoire pour les Franco-Ontariens car elle reconnaît aux collectivités la capacité d’attirer, d’accueillir et d’intégrer des immigrants. C’est la première fois que la communauté franco-ontarienne est formellement reconnue dans une législation provinciale. Il s’agit d’un droit qu’elle peut réclamer à titre de nation, de collectivités, de communautés afin d’assurer leur développement, épanouissement et vitalité. Les francophones doivent travailler avec le gouvernement afin que l’immigration de francophones maintienne ou augmente leur pourcentage au sein de la population ontarienne. L’Ontario a grandi et prospéré avec l’aide d’une tradition d’immigration qui a joué un rôle fondamental dans l’établissement des valeurs sociales, économiques et culturelles.
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Canada’s acceptance of Hungarian Roma asylum-seekers is on an upswing after plummeting to record lows just a few years ago. In 2009-10, only one to two per cent of refugee claimants from Hungary were accepted as the Conservative government initiated a crackdown on “bogus” refugees. But data from the Immigration and Refugee Board show the acceptance rate has steadily increased: to 20 per cent in 2013, 35 per cent in 2014 and 68 per cent in the first half of 2015. “The Canadian government designated Hungary as a safe country (for refugees) in 2012. These figures show that Hungary is not, in fact, a safe country for hundreds of recognized refugees,” said Sean Rehaag, an Osgoode Hall Law School professor specializing in immigration and refugee law.
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The leaders of Germany and France will meet in Berlin on Monday to seek a unified stance on efforts to tackle the biggest migrant crisis since World War II, as hundreds more people poured into Serbia in a desperate bid for a better life. At least 2,000 more migrants entered Serbia overnight from Macedonia, which has declared a state of emergency over the massive numbers pressing into the country from the Greek border. They are trying to reach Hungary, a member of the EU’s open-border Schengen agreement, which has already registered over 100,000 asylum seekers this year and plans to finish its anti-migrant fence on the Serbian border by the end of August.
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Some 4,400 migrants were rescued off the coast of Libya in the space of 24 hours, the Italian coast guard said, in a massive international rescue operation involving several ships. The migrants were pulled from 22 vessels, including rubber dinghies, off the North African country’s coast on Saturday. Several Italian coast guard and navy ships were among those involved in the Mediterranean rescue operation, the Italian coast guard said, as well as vessels from the EU border agency, Frontex. Humanitarian group Medecins Sans Frontieres, also known as Doctors Without Borders, said its own vessel, the Argos, had rescued 95 people from a very unstable rubber dinghy and taken on board another 206 rescued by the Italian navy. The ship is now carrying the migrants to Italy, it said.
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Des milliers de migrants, notamment des réfugiés syriens, traversaient dimanche la Macédoine et la Serbie en direction de l’Europe occidentale, une crise qui, selon le ministre italien des Affaires étrangères, risque de faire perdre son «âme» à l’Union européenne. Après avoir été retenues pendant plusieurs jours à la frontière greco-macédonienne, plus de 6000 personnes, selon les chiffres de la Croix-Rouge locale, sont parvenues depuis samedi dans le sud de la Serbie. Dans le village de Miratovac, à la frontière serbo-macédonienne, ces migrants sont pris en charge par les autorités locales et des équipes du Haut-commissariat des Nations unies pour les réfugiés (HCR).
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Lazos es un servicio informativo del IME, se distribuye de lunes a viernes, y contiene información sobre notas periodísticas publicadas en México, EE.UU., y Canadá sobre la población de origen mexicano y latino en EE.UU. y Canadá.

Esta carpeta contiene notas publicadas en los principales periódicos nacionales y extranjeros, de las cuales son responsables únicamente sus autores.

Instituto de los Mexicanos en el Exterior
Plaza Juárez #20, Col. Centro
Deleg. Cuauhtémoc C.P. 06010
México, D.F.
Vicente Neria Sánchez

Migrants Push Toward Hungary as a Border Fence Rises

By ALISON SMALE – AUG. 24, 2015

Migrants waited after being detained by Hungarian police on Sunday after crossing the Serbia-Hungary border outside Asotthalom, Hungary. Credit Sergey Ponomarev for The New York Times

TISZASZIGET, Hungary — Roiling everything in its path, a wave of tens of thousands of migrants and refugees — many fleeing from wars in Iraq, Syria and Afghanistan — has worked its way up the length of the Balkans in recent days.

Like a movable feast of despair, the mass of people has overwhelmed authorities in one stop after another, from the tiny Greek island of Kos to impoverished Macedonia, which declared a state of emergency last week, and now the train and bus stations of Serbia, as they head north to their ultimate destinations in the richer nations of the European Union.

The next link on their route, almost inevitably, are towns like this one on the Hungarian frontier with Serbia. But Hungarian officials say they have a firm, if unwelcoming, answer to the slow-motion tide: a fence.

Still under construction, parts of it are already laced across fields and river banks or trace old railway tracks, and it will be as tall as 13 feet in some places, a patchwork intended to send a clear message that the migrants should not expect to move freely.

A Hungarian field ranger watched a group of migrants on Sunday near Asotthalom, Hungary. Credit Sergey Ponomarev for The New York Times

But the fence also stands as a much criticized and a very physical manifestation of the quandary of the migration crisis and the lack of cooperation among European Union nations as they struggle to deal with it.

As the chaotic flow through the Balkans has demonstrated, absent coordinated policies, each nation along the path of the migrants has every incentive simply to move them on. The migrants are registered or issued temporary transit papers, but not entered as asylum applicants, ultimately passing the problem to someone else.

In a third to a half of cases, that has been Germany, which has received more migrants than any other European Union nation, but where, too, the welcome mat is wearing thin.

After a weekend of demonstrations outside Dresden — both for and against the migrants — Chancellor Angela Merkel and President François Hollande of France on Monday met to discuss the issue yet again, urging a unified European response and underscoring the need to move as swiftly as possible.

Even before Monday, leading ministers in the German government have given rare public voice to complaints about their European colleagues, urging everyone to observe existing agreements guaranteeing humane shelter for all and help countries like Greece and Italy cope with the influx.

Yet Thomas de Maizière, the German interior minister, notably demurred when invited to criticize Hungary’s fence at a news conference last week. If countries observed existing rules, he said, perhaps Hungary would not need to build one.

Paradoxically, far from deterring the migrants, Hungary’s fence may actually be spurring them on. In a dozen or so fractured interviews this weekend, many Syrians, Afghans and others said that word of the fence had accelerated their race to get north before all 175 kilometers, almost 109 miles, of the Hungarian border with Serbia is cordoned off — a goal that the Hungarians have set for Aug. 31.

Experienced observers say the fence will not stop the migrants, who travel in clumps of just a few to clans of dozens, often guided by Google Maps and Facebook groups on the smartphones that are vital to this modern migration.

“It’s just one more obstacle,” said one volunteer, Tibor Varga, who has been working with migrants in northern Serbia for four years. “They will find out how to get around, above, under it.”

Some 43,651 refugees and migrants have passed through Macedonia in the past two months, according to official numbers from the Ministry of Internal Affairs. Between Saturday night and Sunday, more than 7,000 refugees crossed into Serbia from Macedonia, according to the United Nations refugee agency.

The vast majority entered Macedonia from Greece after several hundred rushed across the border, bypassing a line of police officers and soldiers, who used stun grenades and force in trying to keep them back.

After the episode, authorities in the impoverished country — which has just 2.1 million people and a gross domestic product of around $11 billion a year — appeared to have given up on the idea that they could control the flow.

“We tried to ensure easier crossing for vulnerable categories first, but obviously there wasn’t any will for cooperation from the migrants,” said the Macedonian interior minister, Mitko Chavkov, on Sunday.

If anything, Macedonian authorities are trying to get them through the country faster, having set up a reception center and shelter near the border city of Gevgelija, where refugees and migrants will be able to get the documents legalizing their transit.

Since the clashes, activists say, the migrants and refugees are now passing almost unhindered, traveling on a significantly increased number of buses and trains to Serbia. Others take taxis and vans.

Local news media in Serbia reported that some 70 buses of migrants entered the capital, Belgrade, on Sunday, while early Monday some 2,000 refugees were still at the camp near the town of Presevo.

The migrants are expected to reach the Hungarian border in the next few days.

Ferenc Ferenczi, the mayor of this town, drove visitors to a section of the fence that unfurls where Communist minefields once cordoned off the Soviet bloc from renegade Communist Yugoslavia.

Refugees at a temporary camp outside Subotica, Serbia, on Saturday. Credit Sergey Ponomarev for The New York Times

Two large coils of sharply barbed wire were stacked between close-set sturdy metal poles in a structure being built by soldiers and unemployed Hungarians on “workfare” programs.

Admittedly, he said, his village had seen only about 700 migrants in six months — a fraction compared to the scores now rounded up daily at a neighboring village, Asotthalom, which is even easier to reach from Serbia and whose mayor first propagated the idea of a fence.

But Mr. Ferenczi nonetheless seemed to empathize with concerns about the migrants, particularly the numbers of Muslims. Last week, Slovakia said that it would not offer asylum to Muslims, a statement it later recanted.

“If you look a bit closer, you can see another danger — the potential terrorists that could be infiltrating,” Mr. Ferenczi said, echoing the tone of Hungary’s conservative national government and evoking the country’s long history of battling Turkish invasion, from the 14th to the 17th centuries.

The current hesitation stands in contrast to the role Hungary played 26 summers ago, when it cut its Iron Curtain with Austria, liberating a mass migration that allowed East Germans to go west and precipitated the fall of the Berlin Wall.

But today, even Germany says it cannot cope with the influx, estimating last week that it expects up to 800,000 migrants and asylum seekers to arrive this year.

Berlin is now demanding a European push to enforce rules, and is itself planning to send home migrants from the poor Balkans drawn by Europe’s No. 1 economy, with its jobs and system of state welfare.

The two leading Social Democrats in Germany’s coalition government, Foreign Minister Frank-Walter Steinmeier and Vice Chancellor Sigmar Gabriel, took the unusual step of publishing a 10-point action program for Europe to avoid an open rift on migration policy.

Brussels is not at fault, a senior German government official said Monday. Rather it is up to individual governments in the 28 European Union member states to persuade their publics to take in refugees and treat them well.

A migrant camp outside Subotica, Serbia. Local media in Serbia reported that some 70 buses of migrants entered the capital, Belgrade, on Sunday. Credit Sergey Ponomarev for The New York Times

Everywhere, the mass migration is drawing a divided response, plainly on view here in southern Hungary and northern Serbia.

The Serbian police alternately point refugees along their trek to Hungary, or make a show of turning them around. Hungary’s officers round up refugees, document them, then bring them by the busload to the railway station in Szeged, southern Hungary’s biggest city.

At the station square on Saturday morning, some 200 migrants, almost all Syrian, eagerly took the sandwiches and clothes offered by volunteers who for weeks have helped these crowds figure out their next step.

Many board a train to Budapest and then decide whether to head — as law dictates they should — to a Hungarian refugee camp. But many make the final push toward neighboring Austria and Germany.

In many areas, where the authorities have failed, individuals and civic groups have stepped in.

Akos Toth, 37, a university lecturer in literature, was among the volunteers helping the migrants wash, shave, eat, drink and — above all — charge the cellphones they use as GPS guides and for keeping their families informed of their progress.

Mr. Toth said he had spent hours at the nearby Hungarian police holding center the previous night, as torrential rain left refugees with little shelter and others sought medical aid. “It was the most horrible night of my life,” he said.

This past weekend, he and other volunteers said, they had coped with the most migrants since the influx started a few weeks ago. “We are a sort of emergency exit for the government,” helping Hungary to cope, said one volunteer.

Robert Lesmajster, a 32-year veteran of refugee work for international organizations, watched weary, stoic migrants arrive at his facility in the north Serbian town of Kanjiza — three busloads of some 40 each in just under an hour on Friday.

“They all want to go to Germany,” Mr. Lesmajster said. “Their ‘promised land.’ ” Nothing would prevent it, he said.

“If they can’t get through Hungary, they will go through Croatia,” he added. “The Hungarian fence cannot stop them.”

Aleksandar Dimishkovski contributed reporting from Skopje, Macedonia.

At Donald Trump Event, Jorge Ramos of Univision Is Snubbed, Ejected and Debated


8:27 pm ET8:27 pm ET

Univision Anchor Ejected at Trump Event

The anchor Jorge Ramos was thrown out of a campaign news conference in Iowa for the Republican presidential candidate Donald J. Trump.

By REUTERS on Publish Date August 25, 2015. Photo by Ben Brewer/Reuters.

DUBUQUE, Iowa – A journalist for the Spanish-language network Univision who asked Donald J. Trump about immigration was mocked by the candidate, then escorted out of a news conference here on Tuesday evening.

Jorge Ramos, an anchor for Univision news shows based in Miami, stood and began asking a question just as Mr. Trump recognized another reporter. “Excuse me, sit down. You weren’t called,” Mr. Trump told him. “Sit down. Sit down.”

Mr. Ramos asked Mr. Trump about his call to deport 11 million undocumented immigrants in the country and build a wall the length of the Mexican border.

“You haven’t been called, go back to Univision,” Mr. Trump said.

As security officers approached Mr. Ramos, a Mexican-American, he said: “I am a reporter. Don’t touch me. I have a right to ask the question.”

He was escorted from the room by a security guard.Credit Charlie Neibergall/Associated Press

Mr. Trump was silent as Mr. Ramos, an Emmy-winning journalist who was on the cover of Time magazine’s World’s Most Influential People issue, was removed from the room. Several other journalists asked Mr. Trump why he refused to take questions from Mr. Ramos. The billionaire real estate investor, who is leading in Republican polls for the presidential nomination, said it was because he had asked a question without being called on.

In an interview on CNN on Monday, Mr. Ramos accused Mr. Trump of “spreading hate” with his calls for mass deportations of undocumented families and repealing birthright citizenship granted by the Constitution.

“This is personal,” Mr. Ramos told CNN. “When he’s talking about immigrants, he’s talking about me.”

About 15 minutes after his ejection on Tuesday, Mr. Ramos returned, and he and Mr. Trump engaged in a long back-and-forth about Mr. Trump’s immigration proposals, frequently talking past each other.

Mr. Ramos said that building a border wall would be futile because 40 percent of undocumented immigrants arrive by plane. “I don’t believe it,” Mr. Trump said.

“How are you going to deport 11 million?” Mr. Ramos asked.

“Very humanely,” Mr. Trump said.

At one point, Mr. Trump pressed Mr. Ramos to tell him how much Mr. Trump was suing Univision for, after the network dropped coverage of Mr. Trump’s Miss USA and Miss Universe pageants because of his remarks about Mexican immigrants. Mr. Trump answered his own question: $500 million.

Mr. Trump insisted he would win the Latino vote. Mr. Ramos cited a poll saying that 75 percent of Latinos hold an unfavorable opinion of him.

Maryland Restricts Racial Profiling in New Guidelines for Law Enforcement


BALTIMORE — Eight months after the Justice Department announced new curbs on racial profiling, Maryland became on Tuesday the first state to follow suit, with guidelines aimed at severely restricting law enforcement officers from singling out suspects based on traits including race, ethnicity and sexual orientation.

Attorney General Brian E. Frosh of Maryland issued the rules in a nine-page memorandum in which he condemned profiling of racial minorities by the police, calling it a “deeply unfair” practice.

“Racial profiling continues despite the fact that it is against the law of the United States; it’s against Maryland law,” Mr. Frosh said in a telephone interview shortly after announcing the guidelines at a news conference in the state capital, Annapolis. “We need people to understand that racial profiling is illegal, and it’s bad police work.”

Maryland law requires law enforcement agencies to have policies prohibiting racial and ethnic profiling during traffic stops; the new guidelines expand on that in two ways, Mr. Frosh’s office said. Under the law, officers may not use race and ethnicity in making police decisions; the guidelines also include national origin, identity, disability and religion as traits that may not be considered. They apply to routine operations, to investigations and to traffic stops.

Law enforcement officers may not consider personal characteristics while “conducting routine police activity,” the memorandum says. They may do so only if they have “credible information” that such characteristics are “directly relevant” to the investigation of a crime.

The new rules, which Mr. Frosh said were inspired by those issued in December by Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. shortly before he stepped down, come amid a national debate over police treatment of black men and women in cities like Ferguson, Mo., and here in Baltimore, where the death of Freddie Gray from injuries sustained in police custody set off unrest in April.

Maryland is one of 30 states that have some type of law banning or limiting racial profiling, according to a report issued last year by the N.A.A.C.P. Seventeen states ban “pretextual” traffic stops, in which officers use minor violations as a pretense to search for other illegal activity, a practice experts say often involves racial profiling; 18 require data collection for all stops and searches; and 18 require the creation of commissions to review and respond to complaints of racial profiling.

But in practice, such laws are often not enforced, said Delores Jones-Brown, a former New Jersey prosecutor and founder of the Center on Race, Crime and Justice at John Jay College of Criminal Justice in New York. She said she hoped other state attorneys general would follow Mr. Frosh’s lead.

“I think it’s the kind of thing that needs to happen on a state-by-state basis, because it at least creates the assumption, the impetus, for officers to start thinking differently about what they have been doing,” she said.

In Baltimore, where fractured relations between the police and the public long predate the death of Mr. Gray, civil rights advocates welcomed Mr. Frosh’s move. Toni Holness, a lobbyist for the American Civil Liberties Union of Maryland, called it “relevant to the broader movement for police accountability,” and praised Mr. Frosh for seeking uniformity in the way police departments across the state applied the law.

“The protections that you have should not vary from county to county,” Ms. Holness said.

Reaction among law enforcement officials was mixed. Baltimore’s interim police commissioner, Kevin Davis, who took over the department after the mayor fired his predecessor this summer, called the standards “an important step forward” and said they were “ones that all law enforcement should follow.”

But the executive director of the Maryland Chiefs of Police Association, Larry Harmel, said his group was withholding judgment until it reviewed the memorandum. He suggested in an interview that Mr. Frosh’s move was mostly symbolic.

“We don’t tolerate racial profiling,” Mr. Harmel said, noting that many police agencies in Maryland had their own policies. “It’s been out there for years that police are not allowed to do that, and there’s a federal law against it, so for him to come out and have his own special thing for Maryland — I guess it is good for him.”

A version of this article appears in print on August 26, 2015, on page A10 of the New York edition with the headline: Maryland Restricts Racial Profiling in New Guidelines for Law Enforcement.

The Opinion Pages | Editorial

Jeb Bush Falls Into a Trap


Jeb Bush. Credit David Goldman/Associated Press

Jeb Bush went to the border town of McAllen, Tex., on Monday to raise money and to talk about immigration, in English and fluent Spanish. Because the Republican presidential campaign has been so fixated on border security and the immigrant peril — thank you, Donald Trump — it was a chance to see how the supposed expert on this fraught subject handled it.

Short version: He was awful.

In less than 15 minutes, Mr. Bush managed to step on his message, to give Mr. Trump a boost and to offend Asian-Americans, a growing population that is every bit as important as Latinos in winning presidential elections. And he failed to give Latino voters any persuasive evidence that he had anything better to offer them than his opponents in a revoltingly xenophobic Republican campaign.

It may be time to offer this forlorn candidate some free advice. Although if he really is the smarter Bush, he knows these things already:

1. He should never let himself say the words “anchor babies” ever again. He got in trouble for using that derogatory reference to the children of unauthorized immigrants in passing, in an interview, then dug himself a hole by defending his use of it. On Monday, he dug deeper. He tried to explain that he had been talking about “Asian people” who arrive on tourist visas through organized schemes to give birth to American babies on American soil.

Though the phenomenon is real, Mr. Bush was blasted by Asian-American groups for repeating the slur. And, astoundingly, he handed Mr. Trump the opportunity to send out tweets like this: In a clumsy move to get out of his ‘anchor babies’ dilemma, where he signed that he would not use the term and now uses it, he blamed ASIANS.

It was such an unnecessary battle to wade into — maternity tourism is not what Mr. Trump and his enablers on the restrictionist right are talking about. When they say “anchor babies,” they are talking about the browning of America, with its growing Latino population, and recasting it as a sinister plot by child-rearing Mexicans. They want to upend the 14thAmendment, and the country’s family-based immigration laws, to keep the population as white as can be. Maternity tourism by middle-class foreigners is a separate, much smaller issue; changing the Constitution to stop it, as one immigrant rights advocate once put it, is like killing a fly with an Uzi.

2.Mr. Bush should lighten up. He probably wants to come across as a happy warrior, but he’s a testy and peevish one, and pedantic, to boot. “If he’s interested in a more comprehensive approach” to immigration, Mr. Bush said of Mr. Trump, “he might want to read my book.” As reporters kept baiting him with he-said-this-what-do-you-say questions, Mr. Bush’s exasperation overflowed. Hence the Asian quagmire.

3. His campaign should get better at stage-managing press events. This one, at a Mexican restaurant, was weirdly free-form, with kids yelling and assorted invitees mumbling at the microphone. The grim, adobe-and-stucco backdrop was like a Spanish colonial dungeon; it looked as if the grim-faced Mr. Bush had come to announce the arrest of Zorro.

4. When he does choose to tell the truth, he should find a more persuasive way to do it. On Monday, he attacked the Trump immigration plan, which centers on building a Great Wall of Mexico and forcing millions of people to the other side of it. “It would cost hundreds of billions of dollars,” Mr. Bush said, as well as “violate people’s civil liberties” and “create friction with our third-largest trading partner.” That is a fair reading of what Mr. Trump wants. But to win the nomination, Mr. Bush has to win over a fair chunk of the aggrieved, frightened Trump voters, who probably don’t care about trade friction with rapist-killer-exporting countries, or the cost of a border wall. Mr. Bush may have better ideas, but they have to cut through the fog of Trump.

It’s commonly believed that Republicans are sealing their general-election doom with all this hating on immigrants. If anyone could avoid that fate, it should be someone like Jeb Bush, born in Midland, Tex., and reared in Houston, with a Latina wife, Latino children and flawless command of Spanish. Even as Mr. Trump rages and bellows, there should be room for a Republican to send a message that most American voters, who are moderate on immigration, will hear. But for all his paper qualifications, Mr. Bush has been angering to many, boring to many others, inspiring to none. And then he goes and gets lectured on ethnic sensitivity by Donald Trump.

A version of this editorial appears in print on August 26, 2015, on page A18 of the New York edition with the headline: Jeb Bush Visita la Frontera.

No dia em que se celebrou o Dia Mundial Humanitário (19/08), o Ministério da Justiça, em parceria com o Alto Comissariado das Nações Unidas para Refugiados (ACNUR/ONU), lançou uma campanha de sensibilização sobre o tema do refúgio. Com o intuito de esclarecer a sociedade brasileira sobre os compromissos internacionais que o país assinou e sobre sua Lei de Refúgio (Lei n. 9.474, de 1997), a campanha traz peças com depoimentos de refugiados de várias partes do mundo. São histórias comoventes, de dor, mas também de superação.

Com as hashtags #CompartilheHumanidade e #Refugiados, a campanha é também um esforço para conscientizar nossa sociedade sobre o trabalho humanitário e sobre o nosso papel solidário diante de tragédias que afetam uma grande parcela da humanidade.

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Emmanuel Brasil

Observatório das Migrações Internacionais/OBMigra

emmanuel.obmigra – comunicacao.obmigra








Invitación a asistir al "VII Seminario Internacional Migración en los Albores del siglo XXI", el cual coordina la Dra. Ana María Aragonés, los días 9 y 10 de septiembre.

Ver archivo adjunto

Estudios Fronterizos publicó desde el 1 de julio su número más reciente, lo invitamos a consultar su tabla de contenidos.

Estudios Fronterizos
Vol. 16, Núm. 32 (2015)
Tabla de contenidos


programa SIM2015.pdf