Notas de prensa sobre migración

The New York Times

Latino Drivers Report Thefts by Officers

By KIRK SEMPLEMARCH 2, 2014

CORAM, N.Y. — The story unfolds roughly the same way each time: A Latino immigrant is driving a car with out-of-state license plates, and a police officer pulls him over and asks for his driver’s license.

The driver, because he is an illegal immigrant, does not have a license, so the officer tells him to step out of the car and face the other way. The officer may ask to see the driver’s wallet; then he starts to search the car. After a few minutes, he hands the wallet back to the driver, tells him that everything is fine and sends him on his way.

Soon afterward, the driver discovers that money is missing from his wallet.

In recent weeks, at least a dozen men, all undocumented immigrants from Latin America, have told immigrants’ advocates and the Suffolk County district attorney’s office that they were robbed by a police officer during a traffic stop in or near this Long Island hamlet.

Most, if not all, of the incidents occurred even as the county’s police department was under scrutiny by the Justice Department, advocates said.

Some of the incidents, the men have said, occurred as much as two years ago. The men said they had remained quiet until now because they feared reprisals by the police, or even deportation.

The surge of accusations commenced after the arrest of a Suffolk County police officer who, officials said, was caught on camera during a sting operation in late January stealing $100 from a Latino undercover detective.

According to a statement by the district attorney, Thomas J. Spota, the officer pulled alongside the sting vehicle “to establish the ethnicity of the driver,” pulled the car over, told the undercover detective to stand outside the vehicle, then checked the car. Hidden surveillance cameras caught the officer, a 25-year veteran of the department, taking a $100 bill from an envelope of cash on a seat and slipping it into the cuff of his shirt, officials said.

The officer, Sgt. Scott A. Greene, 50, has pleaded not guilty to charges of official misconduct and petty larceny. His lawyer did not reply to a request seeking comment.

The arrest has given other immigrants the confidence to step forward and make their own allegations, advocates said. The authorities have not released a photo of Sergeant Greene, so it remained unclear whether he matched the description provided by the other accusers; officials from the district attorney’s office did not reply to requests for comment on the investigation.

Immigrants’ advocates said the accusations were particularly alarming because most of the incidents would have occurred after the Justice Department had begun investigating allegations of discriminatory policing by the Suffolk authorities. The allegations included claims that the police not only discouraged Latino crime victims from filing complaints but also failed to investigate crimes involving Latinos.

The inquiry, which began in 2009, was spurred by the killing in November 2008 of Marcelo Lucero, an Ecuadorean immigrant who was assaulted by a group of teenagers and stabbed to death. After that incident, other Latino residents said they, too, had been victims of racially motivated attacks but that the police had failed to thoroughly investigate many of their claims.

The Justice Department and Suffolk County’s police department signed an accord in December that settled the investigation and mandated the implementation of new policies to ensure nondiscriminatory policing among the Latino population and more community outreach by the police department.

Yet this scrutiny has apparently provided only a modicum of comfort to many Latino immigrants, who say they are still intensely wary and mistrustful of the police.

A Mexican worker said in an interview last week that he had been pulled over many times by the police while driving through the county. Though most stops have resulted in a ticket for driving without a license, he said, he has rarely been told what prompted the stops and he suspects he was being racially profiled.

In one of the stops, he said, he may have encountered Sergeant Greene. While driving with a friend through Coram one morning in January 2013, an officer pulled him over, the man recalled. After asking for his registration and wallet — the driver had no license — the officer made him step out of the car and place his hands on the trunk.

“And don’t turn around,” the officer said, according to the man, an employee of a Long Island construction company who has lived in the area for 15 years. The officer, standing out of view behind the driver, proceeded to rifle through the wallet. Then he handed back the wallet and told the man he could leave.

The man discovered $200 missing. “It started to happen to all my friends,” he said. If they were not carrying money at the time of the stop, he continued, the drivers were usually sent on their way with a traffic ticket of some sort.

“People have always been robbed but were fearful that something else would happen or that they would be sent back to their country,” he explained.

The man told his story at the home of an acquaintance in Coram. He and several other laborers who claim to have been robbed during police stops had gathered for a meeting about the evolving case.

Several said that despite the arrest of Sergeant Greene, they remained nervous about possible reprisals for their cooperation with the authorities, and they agreed to be interviewed for this article only on the condition that they not be identified. Irma Solis, an organizer from Make the Road New York, an immigrant advocacy group that has been finding and counseling possible victims, said fear of retribution is forefront in the minds of the accusers. “One of their first questions is, ‘How can I be sure they won’t come after me?’ ” she said.

Lawyers from LatinoJustice PRLDEF, an advocacy group that helped to spur the federal investigation in Suffolk County, have also been interviewing the men and recording their testimony.

“We’re concerned about how forceful and comprehensive this investigation really is,” said Juan Cartagena, the organization’s president and general counsel. “This is the same police department that has demonstrated an inability to protect Latinos for years now.”

Mr. Cartagena said his team was “studying the possibility” of calling for the appointment of an independent prosecutor to handle the cases.

A version of this article appears in print on March 3, 2014, on page A20 of the New York edition with the headline: Latino Drivers Report Thefts by Officers

Action by Russia Divides Immigrants in New York

By J. DAVID GOODMANMARCH 2, 2014

Demonstrators converged across from the Russian consulate in Manhattan to protest the country’s military action in Ukraine. Credit Damon Winter/The New York Times

The confrontation between Russia and Ukraine reverberated on Sunday through New York City’s tight-knit ethnic enclaves, from southern Brooklyn to the pulpits of Ukrainian church services in the East Village to the Russian consulate on the Upper East Side, where protesters shouted their opposition to Russia’s military involvement in Ukraine at the four-story building’s drawn curtains and silent stone.

At a protest in Midtown Manhattan, more than two hundred people sang the Ukrainian national anthem, drowning out for a moment the sounds of Frank Sinatra from an ice-skating rink steps away. They held yellow-and-blue Ukrainian flags, and signs with slogans in Russian used by Red Square protesters in 1968 — “For our freedom and yours” — as well as unflattering images of President Vladimir V. Putin, mustachioed as Hitler.

But across the city on the streets of Brighton Beach, where the air fills with Russian conversation, it was not hard to find those supporting Mr. Putin. “Americans don’t know what’s going on there,” said Victoria Abramova, 57, originally from the eastern Ukrainian city of Kharkiv. “Revolution does not make good situation. After revolution, comes the worst.”

Such divisions among New York’s immigrants and expatriates reflected distances of thousands of miles and differing sources of news from home: television broadcasts, independent websites, Skype conversations, Facebook updates.

Many spoke of a growing fear and anxiousness, including on the AM airwaves of Gregory Davidzon’s influential Russian-language radio show, long a stop for New York politicians seeking votes among the Russian-speaking residents of Sheepshead Bay and Bay Ridge.

On Sunday, it was Ukraine’s ambassador to the United Nations, Yuriy Sergeyev, who took the microphone to preach calm to Ukrainians in the United States while urging support for the embattled new government, which took power late last month after deadly street protests that prompted the flight of the country’s pro-Russian president, Viktor F. Yanukovych.

That Mr. Sergeyev delivered his remarks in a nondescript radio station studio, unknown to many New Yorkers and miles from the United Nations, before addressing reporters from the local and international press underscored the influence of the city’s immigrant community. New York is home to roughly 60,000 foreign-born Ukrainians, according to a 2013 city planning department report. A census study has estimated that 200,000 people in the city speak Russian.

“I strongly believe that there are possibilities that this crazy train can be stopped,” the ambassador said in Russian to Mr. Davidzon, whose show is heard weekly by tens of thousands of Russian and Ukrainian listeners.

Later, the radio host told reporters that he wanted to defuse the anxiety and fear growing among Ukrainians abroad and said he believed a peaceful resolution was possible. But, he added, “I cannot explain Putin’s behavior.”

At the Saint George Ukrainian Catholic Church in the East Village, pews filled on Sunday and blue and yellow flowers bedecked the altar, an acknowledgment of the troubles. One parishioner, Stephan Moraski, 27, who lives on St. Marks Place, said he had been following events closely on social media but also watched the Russian news, which he said contained “complete falsities and referring to Ukraine in a way that still refers to it as a territory.”

Another, Olha Medycska, 46, doubted the stated motivation of Mr. Putin’s government, which has defended the military involvement as necessary to protect Russians and pro-Russian Ukrainians from the nascent revolutionary government in Kiev. “If you want to protect your people, take your people peacefully to your country,” she said. Hitler spoke of wanting “to protect German people in Poland, in Europe.”

For many in New York, the events in Ukraine may have been far off, but they hit close to home. At the consulate, Yuriy Koziy, a 41-year-old contractor from Long Island, said snipers last month killed an old neighbor of his, from the western Ukraine city of Zbarazh. In Bryant Park, where hundreds of protesters gathered before marching to the consulate, Boris Krichevsky, 20, said four friends had been arrested in similar protests in Moscow on Sunday.

“We are proud to be Russian,” said Irina Brovina, a Russian immigrant who lives in Kew Gardens, Queens, standing by Mr. Krichevsky. “But we are ashamed of the president of Russia — this is the last straw.”

Nearby stood a small group of New Yorkers from Belarus, which borders Ukraine to the north. “If Ukraine will not resist this aggression, next will be Belarus? Poland?” said Youras Ziankovich, 36, a lawyer who studied in Ukraine before moving to the Seagate neighborhood of Brooklyn. “We have to stop Russia.”

From behind the counter of the Taste of Russia deli in Brighton Beach, Lemmy Galigsky, 56, said he did not understand the objections to Mr. Putin’s actions and longed for the days when the two countries were united. “It’s not supposed to be like this,” said Mr. Galigsky, who is from Odessa. “Many years ago, it was one country. It was Russia everywhere. It was Soviet Union.”

His views were shared by many interviewed on Sunday in the area.

In the Ukrainian section of the East Village, Oksana Gapyuk echoed a sentiment broadly held by those who have taken to the streets in Ukraine and, on Sunday, in New York. “It is in our blood and in our minds to fight for freedom, because we really never actually had it,” said the 21-year-old, who came to the United States with her family six years ago and now lives in the Bronx.

“I’m here physically,” she said of her life in New York. “But I’m mentally in Ukraine.”

Annie Correal and Edna Ishayik contributed reporting.

A version of this article appears in print on March 3, 2014, on page A10 of the New York edition with the headline: Action by Russia Divides Immigrants in New York

Young Immigrants Turn Focus to President in Struggle Over Deportations

By JULIA PRESTONFEB. 23, 2014

United We Dream leaders, youths from across the country and Phoenix residents marched in downtown Phoenix to demand an end to deportations. Credit Samantha Sais for The New York Times

PHOENIX — More than 500 leaders of a national network of young immigrants, frustrated that House Republicans said they would not move on immigration this year, have decided to turn their protests on President Obama in an effort to pressure him to act unilaterally to stop deportations.

After months of lobbying, rallies and sit-in demonstrations ended with no movement in the House on a pathway to citizenship for immigrants here illegally, the youths who gathered in Phoenix this weekend for an annual congress of the network, United We Dream, said they felt disappointed by Republicans and Democrats. Pointing to Mr. Obama’s pledge early this year to use his phone and pen when Congress did not move on his agenda, they said they would demand that he take executive action to increase protections for immigrants without papers.

“The community we work with is telling us that these deportations are ripping our families apart; this has to stop,” said Cristina Jiménez, the managing director of the network, the largest organization of immigrants who grew up in this country without legal status after coming as children and who call themselves Dreamers. “And we know the president has the power to do it.”

The young immigrants’ demands will be uncomfortable for Mr. Obama in a midterm election year when his low approval ratings could allow Republicans to make important gains. Polls show wider sympathy among Americans for young immigrants than for others without legal status, and the young people have often been leaders in setting strategy among immigrant groups.

The youths said they would press the president to expand the deportation deferrals he provided to them by executive action in 2012. More than 520,000 young people have received deferrals so far, allowing them to work legally and obtain driver’s licenses in many states. The program, known as Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals, has been very popular among Latino and immigrant voters, and Mr. Obama has cited it as an example of his commitment to overhaul the immigration system.

With their shift to concentrate on Mr. Obama, the youths are sharply scaling back their expectations. Last year, after a comprehensive immigration bill passed the Senate, they hoped the House would follow through and also open a direct pathway to citizenship for most of 11.7 million illegal immigrants in the country.

This month, House Republican leaders offered principles on immigration, including legalization but not citizenship for most of those immigrants. But days later, Speaker John A. Boehner said his caucus was not ready to move forward on the divisive issue this year.

Lorella Praeli, a leader of the youth network, told the gathering here that Republicans had adopted a strategy of “death by delay” for immigration. But network leaders did not appear disheartened. An organization that only a few years ago held its meetings clandestinely to avoid detection by immigration authorities, the network held its congress this year in the Sheraton hotel in downtown Phoenix. They filled the main ballroom with strategy debates, protest singalongs and group hugs. Other guests were surprised to encounter slogan-chanting youths parading through the lobby.

They chose Phoenix, leaders said, to confront Gov. Jan Brewer, a Republican, who has not allowed youths with deportation deferrals to apply for driver’s licenses, as other states have.

On Saturday afternoon, the group marched through downtown Phoenix and rallied at a Department of Homeland Security detention center. Their chants were mainly directed toward the president. “Obama, Obama, don’t deport my mama!” the crowd members shouted.

In Washington, a perception gap has emerged over enforcement, with House Republicans arguing that Mr. Obama has been lax on illegal immigration and border security, so they cannot trust him to enforce any new law. Administration officials counter with figures showing Mr. Obama has deported more than 1.9 million foreigners, a record for an American president.

The youths here said they had no doubts about the impact of the Obama administration’s deportation policies, because their families felt they were under siege from immigration authorities.

“We can’t wait for Washington to continue playing around with our lives,” said Julieta Garibay, another network leader. “Our people see deportations every single day. They say, ‘Maybe this might be the last day I get to see my mom because she might get deported tomorrow.’ We’re fed up with that.”

The youths said they would ask Mr. Obama to cut back programs that have greatly expanded the local reach of federal immigration authorities and to grant deportation deferrals to undocumented parents of youths who had received them.

The president has insisted he does not have legal authority to grant more deferrals. But recently he hinted that he might revisit that position if legislation remained stalled.

In spite of the inertia in Washington, the youths, who represented 50 organizations in 25 states, said their ranks grew rapidly last year as measures to expand opportunities for them advanced in many states. At least 18 states now allow foreign-born students without legal residency to pay in-state tuition rates.

The youths said they were not giving up entirely on legislation efforts and planned drives in several districts in Florida, Nevada, New Mexico and Texas to register and mobilize Latino voters against Republicans who have resisted legalization.

A version of this article appears in print on February 24, 2014, on page A11 of the New York edition with the headline: Young Immigrants Turn Focus to President.

The Opinion Pages|Editorial

Locked Away in Immigration Jails

By THE EDITORIAL BOARDFEB. 23, 2014

You can find examples of federal detainees held inexplicably for years without criminal charges or bond hearings much closer to home than Guantánamo Bay, Cuba.

In Southern Florida, five Sri Lankan men were held without bond for more than three years as they sought asylum, saying they had been promised leniency in return for aiding a federal investigation of the smuggling ring that brought them into the country illegally. As The Times reported recently, the average stay for an immigrant in federal custody is a month.

In Springfield, Mass., a federal district judge in January ordered a bond hearing for a Jamaican immigrant and military veteran who had been held in Massachusetts jails, fighting deportation, for more than 15 months without ever receiving a bond hearing. The judge, Michael Ponsor, this month granted class-action status to all immigration detainees in Massachusetts who have been held without bond hearings for six months or more.

Last April, the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit, in California, upheld a lower court’s order requiring the government to grant bond hearings to immigrants who have been held six months without such a hearing. The American Civil Liberties Union, which had brought that class-action lawsuit, said the decision would potentially allow thousands of people to get a day in court across the Ninth Circuit, where an estimated one-fourth of all immigration detainees are held each year.

These rulings reflect the growing understanding — in the federal courts, if not at Immigration and Customs Enforcement — that the constitutional guarantee of due process demands that a detainee have a hearing within a “reasonable” time and that more than six months is not reasonable by any definition.

The Obama administration, in expanding the surge of immigration enforcement begun under President George W. Bush, has detained and deported nearly two million people. The overwhelming majority are dealt with swiftly and summarily, without ever receiving a hearing before an immigration judge. Others who challenge their deportation, like the Sri Lankans, wait for years to get a resolution of their cases. Still others, lacking aggressive lawyers, languish forgotten in federal lockups across the country.

Automatically granting bond hearings to immigration detainees, many of whom pose no threat, is the least the government can do. This does not mean their release is inevitable or even likely. And it doesn’t mean that dangerous criminals would be let loose on the streets.

President Obama, who has repeatedly promised to do more to fix the broken immigration laws, on his own if necessary, can ensure that the six-month rule is adopted in immigration courts nationwide. Beyond granting bond hearings, the government should use more humane and cost-effective alternatives to detention, like ankle bracelets and home monitoring. Locking people up indefinitely is not a path to a more rational immigration system.

A version of this editorial appears in print on February 24, 2014, on page A18 of the New York edition with the headline: Locked Away in Immigration Jails.

The Opinion Pages|Op-Ed Columnist

Targeting the Johns in Sex Trade

FEB. 26, 2014

Nicholas Kristof

CHICAGO — Several police officers are waiting in a hotel room, handcuffs at the ready, when they get the signal. A female undercover officer posing as a prostitute is with a would-be customer in an adjacent room, and she has pushed a secret button indicating that they should charge in to make the arrest.

The officers shove at the door connecting the rooms, but somehow it has become locked. They can’t get in. The undercover officer is stuck with her customer. Tension soars. Curses reverberate. A million fears surge.

Then, suddenly, the door frees and the police officers rush in and arrest a graying 64-year-old man, Michael. His smugness shatters and turns to bewilderment and shock as police officers handcuff his hands behind his back.

Michael had reason to feel stunned. Police arrest women for prostitution all the time, but almost never their customers.

Yet that is beginning to change. There’s a growing awareness that sex trafficking is one of the most serious human rights abuses around, with some 100,000 juveniles estimated to be trafficked into the sex trade in the United States each year.

Some women sell sex on their own, but coercion, beatings and recruitment of underage girls are central to the business as well. Just a few weeks ago, New York City police officers rescued a 14-year-old girl in Queens who had run away from home and ended up locked up by pimps and sold for sex. According to court documents, she was told she would be killed if she tried to run away, but after three months she managed to call 911.

Police increasingly recognize that the simplest way to reduce the scale of human trafficking is to arrest men who buy sex. That isn’t prudishness or sanctimony but a strategy to dampen demand.

Polling suggests that about 15 percent of American men have bought sex, and back-of-envelope calculations suggest that a man has about a 1 in 100,000 chance of being arrested while doing so.

Yet stings to arrest johns are marvels of efficiency. Here in Chicago, the Cook County Sheriff’s Office places ads on prostitution websites. When men call, an undercover officer directs them to a hotel room. The officer negotiates a price for a sex act, and then other officers jump in and arrest the customer.

It’s an assembly line, almost creating traffic jams in the hotel. One time, a customer had just been handcuffed when the undercover officer’s phone rang: it was another john downstairs in the lobby.

“Just give me a few minutes to freshen up,” the undercover officer purred.

Donna M. Hughes, an expert on human trafficking at the University of Rhode Island, notes that police often are tougher on men who download child pornography than on johns who have sex with girls or women.

“I think there is still the old idea around that ‘bad woman’ lure men into bad behavior,” Professor Hughes said. “And the police don’t want to bring shame on the whole family by arresting the man.”

Thomas Dart, the sheriff here, says that a basic problem is that the public doesn’t much sympathize with victims of trafficking. He remembers his department once raiding a dog-fighting operation to free pit bulls, and soon afterward raiding a sex-trafficking operation to free girls and women sold for sex. There was an outpouring of sympathy for the pit pulls, he said, but some carping about why the department was in the morals business and worrying about sex.

Yet, slowly, understanding is growing that this isn’t about policing morals but about protecting human rights. In more and more states, pimps are prosecuted more often, and minors are not arrested in prostitution cases but are directed to social programs. Sometimes that’s true of adult women, too.

As appreciation grows that human trafficking is one of the most serious of human rights abuses, so is the recognition that a starting point in addressing it is to stop making excuses for the men who perpetuate it — and start arresting them.

That’s happening more often, although the punishments are typically minimal. Here in Chicago, the men arrested were taken to another hotel room and made to watch a video about the risks of prostitution — such as sexually transmitted diseases — and then given a $500 ticket. They are advised to pay the fine immediately or a registered letter will be sent to their home address. There is no criminal record, and the men are released in about 30 minutes.

The men’s cars are also towed, which costs them another $700 or so. Mike Anton, commander of the vice unit, says that he always tells the married men that they can avoid towing fees if they call their wives to have them pick up the car.

“None of them has ever taken me up on that,” he added.

A version of this op-ed appears in print on February 27, 2014, on page A27 of the New York edition with the headline: Targeting the Johns in Sex Trade

Recent Comments

CAE

3 days ago

My guess is the average John doesn’t know, care, or bother to find out if the woman he buys is under coercion or perhaps under the age of…

BeadyEye

3 days ago

It’s not "buying", it renting, and as long as men are men and women are women, you will never stamp it out.

guy

3 days ago

Criminalizing demand should work great! Fantastic idea!Look what it did to the demand for marijuana in the 60s, 70s, and 80s, and it…

República Dominicana y OEA acuerdan cedulación a migrantes haitianos

18 de febrero de 2014

Este acuerdo tiene como antecedente que el 26 de abril del pasado año, en reunión bilateral entre Presidentes y en el marco de la V Cumbre de Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de la Asociación de Estados del Caribe, se hizo el ofrecimiento de facilitar las instalaciones e infraestructura necesarias para que el gobierno haitiano pudiera documentar a sus nacionales en nuestro país.

Publicado por DiarioDigital.com.do, República Dominicana

Santo Domingo, 18 de febrero.- El Ministerio de Relaciones Exteriores y la Secretaría General de la Organización de Estados Americanos (OEA), firmaron un acuerdo para la implementación de un diagnóstico sobre la cedulación de ciudadanos migrantes haitianos en la República Dominicana.

El acuerdo, firmado por el Ministro de Relaciones Exteriores, Carlos Morales Troncoso y la representante de la OEA, Araceli Azuara Ferreiro, establece que la elaboración del diagnóstico tomará cuatro semanas.

Este acuerdo tiene como antecedente que el 26 de abril del pasado año, en reunión bilateral entre el Presidente Danilo Medina y el Presidente de Haití, Michel Martelly, en el marco de la V Cumbre de Jefes de Estado y de Gobierno de la Asociación de Estados del Caribe, el presidente Medina hizo el ofrecimiento de facilitar las instalaciones e infraestructura necesarias para que el gobierno haitiano pudiera documentar a sus nacionales en nuestro país.

Asimismo, la intención del gobierno dominicano de aceptar la Tarjeta de Identificación Nacional, expedida por la Oficina Nacional de Identificación de Haití, como parte de la documentación requerida para la regularización de los trabajadores temporeros haitianos en la República Dominicana.

Durante la firma del acuerdo, el canciller Carlos Morales Troncoso sostuvo que el mismo, es, en definitiva, un paso institucional de avance en el plan macro del gobierno dominicano de regularizar la migración haitiana, respetando de forma íntegra y medular los derechos humanos, lo que debe contribuir, además, al fortalecimiento de las relaciones bilaterales y de los mecanismos de diálogo existentes entre ambos países.

El diagnóstico busca estimar el período necesario para el proceso de cedulación, la compra de los materiales necesarios, el transporte de los equipos y la capacitación del personal.

Asimismo, servir como facilitador entre los gobiernos haitiano y dominicano, así como la comunidad internacional en la cedulación de los ciudadanos migrantes haitianos en la República Dominicana.

En la elaboración del diagnóstico participará un experto en registro civil y sus procedimientos, así como un informático con conocimiento de la tecnología utilizada por la Oficina Nacional de Identificación de Haití, (ONI) y los Archivos Nacionales de Haití.

La OEA explicó que de 2005 a 2012, la Secretaría General, a través del Programa de Universalización de la Identidad Civil en las Américas (PIUCA), proporcionó apoyo técnico a la ONI en la emisión de identificaciones nacionales a más de 5 millones de adultos haitianos, además de apoyar al Archivo Nacional de Haití en la puesta en marcha de un sistema de búsqueda en la base de datos del registro civil.<p/>

Componentes del diagnóstico

El diagnostico contará con cuatro componentes: 1) logística; 2) tecnología; 3) institucional; y 4) presupuesto.

El componente logístico identificará el número de beneficiarios potenciales y su ubicación en la República Dominicana así como los tiempos de implementación del proyecto y la inversión necesaria en recursos financieros y humanos.

El componente tecnológico analizará las medidas de seguridad necesarias para comparar información almacenada en el AFIS (Automated Fingerprint Indentification System) para evitar duplicación de identidad y, a la vez, proteger la privacidad y confidencialidad de la información allí contenida.

En el aspecto institucional, identificará los actores institucionales que estarán incorporados en la iniciativa y sus responsabilidades, tanto en la República Dominicana como en Haití.

En el componente presupuestario se identificarán y cuantificarán los costos relevantes durante el proceso.

Immigration report that challenges impact on UK jobs ‘blocked’ by No 10

Unpublished research said to show that the impact of extra migrants on workforce is weaker than government has claimed

Reality check: is migration good or bad for British jobs?

Theresa May, citing a 2012 Migration Advisory Committee study, claimed that “for every additional 100 immigrants … 23 British workers would not be employed”. Photograph: Getty Images

Downing Street is believed to have blocked publication of a politically sensitive report that shows the impact of immigration on the job prospects of British workers is well below that claimed by ministers.

The new research is reported to challenge claims made by the home secretary, Theresa May, based on a 2012 Migration Advisory Committee (MAC) study showing that "for every additional 100 immigrants … 23 British workers would not be employed".

But the BBC’s Newsnight programme said the new unpublished analysis by civil servants is much less pessimistic and estimates that the cost to existing British workers of new arrivals is much lower.

The BBC quotes officials saying Downing Street has prevented publication of the report, which has been ready since last year, to avoid igniting controversy.

Downing Street was further reported to have said that the report had not yet been completed. The BBC reported officials saying figures in the "blocked report" are still in process of being peer reviewed and it has not yet been signed off.

The quarterly net migration figures published last week show that far from being on track to hit the Conservatives‘ target of getting below 100,000 a year, the number is now at 212,000 and rising. New official research showing that the impact of extra migrants on the British workforce is weaker than previously claimed is said to be politically unhelpful.

In fact, the latest labour market statistics published show that 87% or 367,000 of the 425,000 new jobs in the UK economy in the past year went to British workers. Only 54,000 of the extra jobs in the economy, or 13%, went to foreign nationals.

This is a radically different picture from two years ago, when the original MAC research was published after the number of British workers in jobs fell by 166,000 and foreign nationals in UK jobs rose by 166,000.

Internal Whitehall emails seen by BBC Newsnight suggest that the cross-governmental report was commissioned because the original MAC research was not considered sufficiently "robust" by either the Treasury or the business department.

It also sharply conflicted with Department for Work and Pensions research at the time that showed that the displacement impact of migration on low-skilled British jobs was mixed with only patchy evidence.

Home Office officials are said to have protested that the new research, in parts, reflects an "institutional bias" in favour of migration among officials at the Treasury, Foreign Office and business department.

The shadow immigration minister, David Hanson, said the government should not be keeping their own research hidden and the report should be published immediately.

"The British people should have information made available to them so they can make a judgment about the impact of immigration on jobs. This should be done on the basis of fact not more empty rhetoric or spin from the government," he said.

"We need an open, calm and fact based debate on the impact of immigration and this should be facilitated by the government and not made harder."

The Liberal Democrat home affairs spokesman, Julian Huppert, also added to the pressure saying it was obvious the report should be published as quickly as possible.

"We have to have the right figures, so we can make the right decisions, so that we get the best people here to help our economy," he said.

A government spokesman said: "We don’t comment on internal government documents."

Prensa Libre

06/03/14 – 13:30 Migrantes

México repatría a 16 guatemaltecos, entre ellos dos traficantes de personas

México repatrió a 16 guatemaltecos, entre ellos dos traficantes de personas que proporcionaban a sus víctimas documentos migratorios falsos a cambio de 15 mil pesos (Q9 mil 120) para que cruzaran el país, informaron fuentes oficiales.

MÉXICO D.F. – Los 16 guatemaltecos fueron detenidos en acciones realizadas entre el 25 y 27 de febrero pasado con la colaboración de autoridades de Estados Unidos y Guatemala, indicó en un comunicado el Instituto Nacional de Migración (INM).

Los traficantes engancharon a 14 víctimas en Guatemala, entre ellas dos mujeres y tres menores, quienes cruzaron la frontera en el estado de Chiapas en transporte público y llegaron hasta Tabasco.

Allí tramitaron ante el INM la Tarjeta de Visitante Regional "con el fin de transitar por territorio nacional de manera regular", precisó el organismo.

Dicha tarjeta permite a los guatemaltecos tener estancia legal en México durante tres días, además de poder realizar entradas y salidas múltiples del país de manera gratuita.

El grupo viajó desde Tabasco vía aérea a Nuevo León "para intentar cruzar la frontera", pero agentes del INM del aeropuerto de Apodaca advirtieron que la documentación, que incluía pasaportes guatemaltecos y visas mexicanas y estadounidenses, era falsa.

El INM alertó a las autoridades estadounidenses y guatemaltecas sobre la utilización de documentos apócrifos y ofreció apoyo a cuatro de las víctimas, "quienes decidieron interponer denuncia contra los presuntos delincuentes".

El organismo repatrió a los 16 guatemaltecos, de los cuales 13 fueron puestos a disposición de las autoridades de su país, ocho por el delito de portación de visas falsas de EE. UU., cuatro por uso de visas mexicanas apócrifas y uno más por tráfico de personas y alteración de documentación oficial.

Los tres restantes son menores de edad, dos de ellos lactantes y están con sus madres, mientras que el otro fue entregado a las autoridades, precisó el INM.

Centenares de miles de personas procedentes de Centroamérica cruzan todos los años México con el fin de ingresar ilegalmente a Estados Unidos.

POR AGENCIA EFE / MÉXICO

Cruce El Naranjo-Tenosique, Tabasco.
Foto: Prometeo Lucero

La cacería

Ramón Vera Herrera

Nosotros nos subimos al autobús en Ciudad del Carmen pardeando la tarde. En la laguna de Términos se hundía el sol entre las nubes volviéndolas jirones de lana. El camino sería largo y los vendedores trepaban sin mucho trámite a ofrecer mango con chile, refrescos y jugos. Tardó en salir el camión (después entenderíamos por qué) y para cuando recorrimos las primeras cuadras por la ciudad, las sombras se apoderaban de las esquinas y el horizonte se perdía en las farolas que se fueron encendiendo. Aunque nos extrañó que no tomara de inmediato la avenida por la que se sale del puerto hacia el larguísimo puente que conecta con tierra firme, de plano nos desconcertó que comenzara a penetrar un barrio de calles angostas y diagonales cercanas al agua de la laguna, algunas de ellas anegadas por el desnivel de la ciudad y la ausencia de drenajes.

En una rinconada, el autobús hizo un alto. La oscuridad era total. El chofer abrió la puerta y raudas subieron dos mujeres muy jóvenes. El chofer cerró la puerta justo tras ellas y reculó unos metros para dar una vuelta en U casi de inmediato. El interior del autobús, también a oscuras, las cubrió en un respiro y algo dijeron en voz baja entre ellas y el chofer —que siguió buscando una salida hasta la avenida para de ahí enfilarse al puente. Ellas atravesaron de inmediato el pasillo hasta los últimos asientos y todo el camión se volvió un silencio tibio que anunció la frescura del camino, el viento y la velocidad que comenzaron a colarse junto al ruido del motor más desfogado.

Eran bonitas. Sobre todo una de ellas, con el cabello ensortijado y nada largo, como una melenita de león, dejó al pasar su aura de muchachita delgada y presente siempre.

Me acuerdo que supimos de inmediato que huían. Y que el conductor era su cómplice. No era un instrumento de su huida sino tal vez una mano generosa, o un enamorado dispuesto a todo.

Nos dijimos que parecían centroamericanas, tal vez atrapadas en alguna de esas estafas de ruindad ramplona donde alguien les exigía, como parte de no denunciarlas y tal vez ayudarlas a subir por el país, su cuota de prostitución y servidumbre envilecida para dejarlas ir. Por qué pensamos eso es difícil decirlo así de primeras. Es tan difícil explicar lo obvio.

No traían nada de equipaje. Ni siquiera un morral. Tan sólo una bolsita de tela colgada al hombro, una de ellas. La otra era todavía más evanescente.
Pero el calor a pesar del aire acondicionado nos cerró los párpados y pronto el autobús corría por las carreteras de Tabasco y casi en todos los asientos se soñaba. El autobús paró en Villahermosa un rato que parecieron horas.

Como a las cinco de la mañana cruzamos un puesto de revisión de la migra en la carretera costera que recorre de sur a norte Veracruz. Ahí nos hicieron alto unos oficiales. El conductor tenía que detenerse y lo hizo. Subieron dos agentes y ni preguntaron. Fueron derechito hasta el fondo del autobús por las dos muchachas. Ni las interrogaron. Solamente dijeron, acompáñennos. Ni se resistan. No fueron las únicas personas a las que bajaron, pero no interrogaron a nadie sino hasta bajar a las dos muchachas y ponerlas en custodia en una caseta que estaba al fondo de un terraplén donde se estacionaban varias patrullas y una ambulancia. Una caseta de radiocomunicación con una enorme antena le daba el aire de oficialidad al caserío improvisado que era la garita de control migratorio. Bajaron a otros tres y a una pareja. Pero a ésos los dejaron sentados en unas bancas cerca del autobús, esperando su turno.

Y claro, al conductor también lo habían detenido. Su uniforme asomaba por una de las ventanas de la caseta del fondo.

La gente comenzó a bajar para estirar las piernas. Los agentes nos informaron que nos iban a cambiar de autobús pues éste se quedaba detenido junto con el conductor. No daban ninguna otra explicación, y ni la mirada concedían.

La pareja contó que una de las muchachas les había medio contado su historia en la madrugada. Que angustiada confirmó que venían de Honduras y que, después de cruzar, en Tapachula una mujer las había apartado y les anunció que si no querían ser deportadas, encarceladas y torturadas (de plano así les dijo), tenían que irse con ella (y dos hombres) a Ciudad del Carmen, a trabajar unos días, y que si se portaban bien les conseguirían papeles de mexicanas como para quedarse en el país o para moverse a donde se les diera la gana.

Pero cuando llegaron a Ciudad del Carmen, la casa resultó ser un burdel ni siquiera muy fino, donde recalaban los petroleros y los camioneros de la vuelta del Golfo y sin más las pusieron a trabajar con amenazas y maltratos. Que no las golpearon mucho, porque debían estar presentables, pero sí les sabían pegar sin dejar marca, como le pasó a una de ellas un día que de plano se negó a atender a un hombre que le dio mucho miedo nomás de lo que le dijo que tenía que hacer. También les daban baños de agua fría, y las amarraban o las encerraban o las dejaban sin comer si algo de su “comportamiento” no les gustaba a las matronas.

La muchacha del cabello ensortijado les dijo que el conductor no era su novio pero que se había ofrecido a sacarlas de ahí, porque no tenían madre los que las habían encerrado en esa casa.

Entre la gente del camión se hicieron dos bandos. Uno que decía que el chofer las había puesto, pa’ denunciarlas y cobrar una lana que los agentes de migración le dan a quien les entrega a algún indocumentado. Que lo habían bajado para hacer la faramalla nomás.

El otro bando, al que pertenecíamos, insistió en que el conductor simplemente no midió las fuerzas tan tendidas contra las que se enfrentó. Que no supo con quienes se metía.

Llegó otro autobús y a todo el pasaje nos trasvasaron. Dejamos atrás el sitio donde los perros ensalivados se envilecían con el recuento de su cacería.

Ver fotos en: http://www.jornada.unam.mx/2014/03/08/ojarasca203.pdf

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