*Notas de prensa sobre migración, discriminación y fronteras*

Turkey Strengthens Rights of Syrian Refugees


Syrians in Ankara, Turkey, in November. The new measure provides for access to education and basic health care but stops short of official refugee status. Credit Umit Bektas/Reuters

ISTANBUL — Turkey has issued new regulations that grant Syrian refugees secure legal status in the country for the first time, clarifying and expanding rights for more than a million people who are rapidly assimilating into Turkish society.

After spending nearly four years under temporary protection, in recent weeks the refugees have begun to receive new identification cards under a measure passed by the Council of Ministers in October granting them access to basic services like health care and education.

The regulation stops short of granting Syrians official refugee status, which would entitle them to a broader array of benefits like housing, public relief and various social services.

Nevertheless, most refugees have welcomed it as an indication of Turkey’s commitment to easing the rigors of their lives as their displacement takes on a sense of permanence, with Syria’s civil war raging on with no end in sight.

Turkey is now host to 1.6 million displaced Syrians, about half of the total number of people who have fled fighting that broke out nearly four years ago. Until now, the refugees had been labeled “guests” under a hazily defined temporary protection measure.

With Turkey’s 22 refugee camps operating at capacity, around 85 percent of the Syrian refugees there have streamed into urban areas seeking jobs and more permanent living arrangements. The new ID cards have been designed to give more straightforward access to a wider range of services outside of the camps.

On a recent afternoon at a police station here, dozens of Syrian refugees amassed outside the registration bureau for foreigners, waiting to collect their new cards.

“Syrians used to avoid coming to the station out of fear that they would be deported,” said one of the police officers overseeing the registration process. “But these cards have brought them out of the shadows into the light. They now have physical proof of their legal rights.”

The international response to the refugee disaster has been relatively limited, forcing the neighboring countries to take on a disproportionate amount of the burden, with Turkey, Jordan, Lebanon and Iraq absorbing 97 percent of Syria’s refugees, according to the United Nations’ refugee agency.

For Turkey, the ceaseless influx of refugees has greatly strained its open-door policy, while the recent drop in commodities prices worldwide has put new strains on the national budget.

Andrew Gardner, Turkey researcher for Amnesty International, praised the country’s new temporary protection regime as “a big step forward,” as it grants refugees a secure legal status. “The fact that the refugees’ rights and entitlements have been written into law should mean that authorities better implement them,” he added.

But not all Syrians are lining up to obtain these rights. Many have their sights set on seeking asylum in Western Europe, a prospect that some believe could be jeopardized by the new ID cards through their requirement of biometric data.

“I think the data could be used by Europe to send us back when we get smuggled there,” said Mohammad, 23, who declined to give his surname. “I’m only in Turkey to leave to Europe, I don’t need the ID. When I see the police gathering Syrians in the park for registration, I run away.”

Even refugees who have already received the new ID cards can be skeptical that the new provisions will have much of an impact on their quality of life, and continue to look for a way out of Turkey.

Marwan Ali, 35, a tailor, said his main incentive for registering was to receive vaccinations for his daughter and regular access to health care for his pregnant wife. “Without the ID cards, the hospitals send you away,” he explained.


Displaced Syrians waited with their belongings in early October for transportation to camps after crossing the border into Turkey. Credit Bryan Denton for The New York Times

But Mr. Ali quickly added that he had submitted an application for asylum in Europe. “Life is hard here,” he said. “You make less than $200 a month. It’s hard to survive with a family.”

A vast majority of refugees who settle in large cities are destitute. The greatest challenge for Syrians living outside the camps is finding and sustaining employment. Under Turkish labor laws, Syrian refugees do not have the right to work, which makes them vulnerable to exploitation and abuse.

A separate proposal to regulate working conditions for the refugees was recently submitted to the Council of Ministers for approval. If the measure passes, as expected, Syrians will be able to apply for conditional work permits with their new ID cards, something that is likely to foster resentment in regions where unemployment is high.

That job competition, as well as the emergence of violence and higher crime rates in cities with high concentrations of Syrians, has soured the Turkish public on the refugees, with two-thirds of Turks now favoring more restrictive policies, according to the 2014 Transatlantic Trends Survey.

This month, a group of Syrian agricultural workers in the southern province of Antalya were attacked by a group of local workers, who stoned them and their houses, injuring several. The day before, the governor had sent a notification demanding the deportation of up to 1,500 Syrian refugees, citing growing concerns over “unrest," which he claimed had caused damage to the tourism ministry, local news media reported.

Nurcan Onder, the deputy director general for labor, said the work permits would not put refugees in direct competition with Turkish citizens for jobs, and should alleviate some tensions.

“The regulation will clearly define specific sectors and locations where Syrians can apply for work permits, and quotas will be applied in workplaces to manage the supply and demand,” Ms. Onder said.

Some refugee advocates say that the new directive is too focused on the regulatory aspects of the refugee influx, such as entry and registration, and that it has failed to address the needs of refugees that are essential to meeting longer-term integration goals.

“Most Syrian refugees live in urban areas, and the conditions are deteriorating as winter sets in, but none of their real needs, like housing, are met properly,” said Metin Corabatir, deputy director of the Center for Immigration and Asylum Studies.

“They are considered as people under a temporary protection regime, but the regime does not provide enough assistance and protection for those outside of the camps,” he added.

The directive has also come under criticism for its failure to define the time frame for the temporary protection — in theory it could be repealed at any time.

Karam Shoumali contributed reporting.

A version of this article appears in print on December 30, 2014, on page A4 of the New York edition with the headline: Turkey Expands the Rights of Refugees From Syria

China Wants Taxes Paid by Citizens Living Afar


A Beijing street. The top income tax bracket in China is 45 percent and takes effect on incomes over $12,900 a month. Credit Greg Baker/Agence France-Presse — Getty Images

HONG KONG — As Chinese individuals and companies head overseas in greater numbers, the country’s tax authorities are starting to follow.

The Beijing billionaires who set up cryptically named companies in the British Virgin Islands to hold their fortunes are in the cross hairs. So are the Guangdong salesmen living and working in Africa and Latin America. China’s tax officials are now demanding that citizens start reporting exactly how much money they earn overseas.

In asking for this information, national and municipal tax agencies in China are quietly beginning to enforce a little-known and widely ignored regulation: Citizens and companies must pay domestic taxes on their entire worldwide incomes, not just on what they earn in China.

The nascent campaign this winter puts China on the same side as the United States in a global debate over whether taxation should be primarily national or global. On the other side of the issue are European nations, Japan, Australia and Canada, all of which tax people within their borders but exempt most expatriates and overseas subsidiaries from paying income taxes in their home countries.

“The newest element is the Chinese tax authorities’ deciding to more strictly enforce this worldwide taxation, which has always been required of Chinese individuals,” said Edmund Yang, a PricewaterhouseCoopers partner in Beijing for international assignments. “The level of compliance among Chinese nationals overseas has been relatively low.”

Economists and accountants have long debated the fairness of taxing citizens and companies overseas. Europeans have argued that expatriates use fewer government services, like state-run health care, while playing a big role in promoting exports.

Advocates of worldwide taxation have contended that such exemptions are regressive and hurt lower-income individuals, as many expatriates are bankers and other high earners in finance. Expatriates may also benefit if their home countries are prosperous, well-run places with solid tax bases to which they can return someday.

The roots of China’s decision to embrace worldwide taxation trace to the early 1990s. Still a very poor country then, China sent teams of tax officials to the United States, Britain, Germany and other nations to seek advice on drafting a modern tax code.

One team sent to the United States visited state tax officials in California and New York, said Lili Zheng, a Deloitte accountant who coordinated the visit and is now co-leader of the firm’s Asian international investment practice. The team paid a long visit to the Internal Revenue Service and was given a two-volume bound copy of the United States tax code and a five-volume copy of I.R.S. regulations.

Chinese officials chose the American definition of income, with its worldwide scope, in issuing their tax code in 1993. It remains in force today, although with many amendments.

Now, China is taking the first steps to enforce that broad definition.

The government of Guangzhou, the commercial hub of southeastern China, has summoned executives from 150 of the largest corporations based there to a meeting on Jan. 28 to discuss the obligation of their overseas employees to pay Chinese taxes. Municipal governments in Beijing and other big cities are also contacting big companies in their jurisdictions and telling them to provide detailed information on the expatriates’ incomes, tax advisers said.

The State Administration of Taxation in Beijing has begun a separate campaign to curb tax evasion by Chinese companies as they start to make big overseas investments. New rules taking effect on Feb. 1 will ban a wide range of international investments deemed to be tax shelters. The rules could indirectly hit many wealthy Chinese individuals, who commonly make their overseas investments through specially created companies, often located in the Caribbean.

Worldwide tax enforcement could also prove a potent tool as President Xi Jingping seeks to catch corrupt officials who have fled overseas.

Enforcement of the tax regulation and compliance has been low partly because China lacked data on its citizens’ overseas earnings and investments. But the Chinese government has seized on the continuing United States effort to gather more information on the overseas activities of American companies and citizens. China has simultaneously been negotiating with the United States and other countries to share information on overseas bank accounts belonging to Chinese citizens.

The Chinese tax enforcement effort comes as the country’s economy starts to slow. With overseas investments by Chinese individuals and companies surging, national tax officials are looking for ways to collect on that trend. And local governments are seeking to develop a new source of tax revenue to offset dwindling revenue from other sources.

The finances of local governments across China have deteriorated considerably in the last two years. Sales of government-owned land to developers for apartment buildings and office towers have dropped as real estate prices have fallen and housing starts have tumbled. At the same time, Beijing has overhauled its system of business taxation to the disadvantage of local governments.

Local governments used to assess a tax of 5 percent on the revenue of most businesses in service industries and real estate, and shared part of the proceeds with the central government. Beijing is phasing out these taxes in favor of value-added taxes, which go directly to the central government.

That has given municipalities a powerful incentive to step up enforcement of individual and corporate income taxes, which they still collect and then split with the central government. Sam Pang, a tax partner at Ernst & Young, is helping Guangzhou draft a tax enforcement brochure to give companies at the January meeting.

China’s decision could increase pressure for similar action by countries that face sizable budget deficits and have large numbers of affluent expatriates, like Australia, Britain, France and Ireland. Although not one of these countries has shown signs yet of switching to a different model, there has been a broad increase in interest by governments around the world in sharing more information on overseas financial accounts.

While China is taking a page from the United States playbook, Beijing’s tax policies in some ways are even tougher.

The top income tax bracket in China is 45 percent, compared with 35 percent in the United States. That top bracket for the Chinese kicks in at $12,900 a month.

The United States also allows expatriates to exempt a slowly rising sum of foreign earned income, which amounted to $99,200 last year. It then taxes the rest. In China, overseas citizens are eligible only for an extra deduction of $210 for each month they are overseas.

Ms. Zheng at Deloitte predicted that China would pursue a few prominent cases to persuade other Chinese companies and individuals to declare their overseas income and pay taxes on it.

“The law has always been there — the enforcement has previously been lacking because of limited resources,” she said. “China is going to enforce some cases to let people know.”

Correction: January 8, 2015

An earlier version of this article misstated the threshold for the top income tax bracket in China. The top bracket, 45 percent, begins at $12,900 a month — not $12,900 a year — after deductions. The error was repeated in an earlier version of a picture caption.

A version of this article appears in print on January 8, 2015, on page B1 of the New York edition with the headline: China Wants Taxes Paid by Citizens Living Afar

Anti-Immigration Rallies in Germany Defy Calls to Desist

By ALISON SMALE – JAN. 5, 2015

Play Video|1:16

Anti-Immigration Protesters Speak Out

In Dresden, Germany, protesters took to the streets over stated fears of Europe’s growing Islamization despite officials’ calls to avoid the marches.

Video by Erik Olsen on Publish Date January 5, 2015. Photo by Sean Gallup/Getty Images.

DRESDEN, Germany — Defying appeals from an array of German institutions to stay away from anti-immigration rallies, some 18,000 people took part in a protest here on Monday, parading against what they call the Islamization of Europe and putting pressure on the authorities to defuse social tensions.

The turnout more or less equaled that of late December, before Chancellor Angela Merkel urged Germans in her New Year’s address to shun the rallies and their organizers, who she said had “prejudice, coldness, even hatred in their hearts.”

The latest protest illustrated the depth of the challenge faced by the establishment and the many Germans who see their country as open and even eager to give shelter to refugees from Mideast wars and bolster the labor force with immigrants.

Several thousand people turned out in Berlin to counter the several hundred who had formed an anti-immigration rally. A few thousand also countered the equally sparse anti-immigration crowd in Cologne.

In Berlin, Martin Küper, 31, said he was “disgusted” at the idea that a German would protest against people who “had already been threatened by death and deportation in their home countries.”

In Berlin, supporters of the group known as Pegida gathered on Monday. The group opposes what it calls the growing Islamization of Europe. Credit Carsten Koall/Getty Images

In gestures intended to deny anti-immigration protesters picturesque backdrops for their rallies, the church and city authorities in Cologne and Berlin switched off the illumination at three of the country’s best-known landmarks: the Cologne Cathedral and, in Berlin, the Brandenburg Gate and the TV tower at Alexanderplatz.

In Dresden, where about 3,000 people staged a counterdemonstration, the group known as Pegida — the German acronym for Patriotic Europeans Against Islamization of the West — was confined to a park and a march around a nearby stadium. Ironically, the park is named the Cockerwiese after the late rock singer Joe Cocker, who gave a concert there in 1988, during Communist rule, and whose trademark song was “With a Little Help from My Friends.”

Monday night’s rally, held in a cold rain, yielded nothing new in the way of sentiment from the speakers, whose group insists that it wants to help refugees, but is against asylum abusers, foreigners who mooch off Germany and what it sees as a creeping Islamization of society.

But the mention of Ms. Merkel’s name drew boos, and several people interviewed — typically declining to give their names to reporters — said her criticism of Pegida had disqualified her as a leader.

Earlier on Monday, business leaders joined the swelling chorus against Pegida from established political parties, the Roman Catholic and Protestant churches, social groups and even anonymous jokesters who set up a spoof “Snowgida” page on Facebook.

Ingo Kramer, head of the Confederation of German Employers’ Associations, said, “Germany’s image as a business location is being damaged by the impression that we are demonstrating against foreigners.”

“We need immigration for our labor market and to allow our social system to function,” he added in a statement.

The fear of foreigners, especially Muslims, threatening or drowning out national and regional identities forged over centuries seems to have a growing pull in Europe, where populists and nationalists scored record gains in elections in May for the European Parliament.

Since reuniting in 1990, Germany has experienced outbursts of racist violence directed against foreigners, often in the east, where barely 1 percent of the population was non-German in Communist times.

Play Video|5:12

Germany’s Refugee Crisis

More refugees are seeking asylum in Germany than in any other country, straining Germans’ tolerance for foreigners and taxing the government’s ability to find housing for them.

Video by Erik Olsen on Publish Date December 7, 2014. Photo by Milan Bures for The New York Times.

In recent years, however, the Germans have offered asylum liberally, beginning with refugees of the Balkan wars of the early 1990s. The nation’s Nazi past is often cited as a reason to offer sanctuary, but that has worn thin recently because of an influx of about 200,000 asylum seekers last year — four times the total for 2012 — and the strain of housing so many people.

An anti-euro party, the Alternative for Germany, is flirting with anti-foreigner sentiment and won seats in three state legislatures in eastern Germany in the fall. While its leaders are bickering furiously, at least some have attended the Dresden rallies and are willing to meet with Pegida.

Across the established political spectrum, debate has raged about whether to engage directly with Pegida, as well as how to confront its clear appeal to a disgruntled segment of the German population. Its supporters include far rightists, neo-Nazis and soccer hooligans, as well as a larger number of average citizens who seem worried about losing status, even if — in Dresden and the surrounding state of Saxony — barely 2 percent of residents are foreigners and even fewer are Muslims.

On Tuesday, the country’s best-selling newspaper, Bild, headlined articles with “The People Are Stopping Pegida” and highlighted efforts to support immigration. Berthold Kohler, a publisher of the influential center-right newspaper Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, noted Monday in a commentary titled “Terribly Simple” that, despite Ms. Merkel’s stand against the Pegida movement, it was clear that her coalition government of center-right and center-left was still trying to figure out what to do. The movement, he said, is “the tip of the iceberg” when it comes to a loss of faith in elites or institutions across the board.

Ms. Merkel’s partners in her conservative bloc, the Bavarian Christian Social Union, plan to debate what they call “a fair and balanced asylum policy” at a meeting this week. That policy would involve a swifter processing of asylum requests and deportation of abusers, portraying this as the only way to continue guaranteeing a welcome for hundreds of thousands of legitimate refugees, particularly from Syria and Iraq.

“People are reacting to the situation with much understanding, empathy and remarkable voluntary engagement,” the party said in the proposal. All who are helping should be thanked, it added, “for they are the face of modern Germany, open to the world.”

Among the many voices discussing Pegida were the writer Peter Schneider, who over the weekend published his impressions of a visit to the last Pegida rally on Dec. 22.

“For my taste,” Mr. Schneider wrote in the newspaper Die Welt, “the crowd was too white.”

He also noted that any number of issues — like Islamic State jihadists, Palestinian immigrants voicing anti-Semitism, or European women opposing Muslim attitudes toward women — deserved to be discussed in Germany and elsewhere in Europe where large numbers of immigrants live.

The answer certainly does not lie in declining dialogue with Pegida or its supporters, Mr. Schneider wrote.

“If political correctness means that facts can no longer be called by their name,” he concluded, “then society is robbing itself of a viable future.”

Melissa Eddy and Katarina Johannsen contributed reporting from Berlin.

A version of this article appears in print on January 6, 2015, on page A4 of the New York edition with the headline: Anti-Immigration Rallies in Germany Defy Calls to Desist

The Opinion Pages | Editorial

Migrant Deaths on the Mediterranean


Migrants disembark in Corigliano, Italy. Credit Francesco Arena/European Pressphoto Agency

Well-organized criminal gangs are increasing the pressure on Europe to deal with illegal migration across the Mediterranean by using a terrible new tactic: Sending rusty old freighters filled with refugees hurtling full throttle toward Italy’s shores and certain disaster. It’s a game of chicken, and the smugglers know that Europe has no moral option but to rescue the ships’ human cargo.

More than 3,000 migrants drowned in the Mediterranean in 2014 fleeing conflict-torn regions across the Middle East and North Africa. Even as the number of people trafficked soars, European governments persist in their magical thinking, believing that somehow these people, who have no legal options and no better hope for survival, will abandon dangerous attempts to reach Europe.

Italy has stepped up to the immediate challenge, rescuing some 1,200 men, women and children from two separate crewless freighters last week. But the country is overwhelmed. Of the 200,000 refugees and migrants who arrived in Europe in 2014, 160,000 arrived in Italy by sea.

Last month, Italy phased out its Mare Nostrum marine rescue program, which was created after more than 350 migrants drowned when their boat sank off the coast of Lampedusa in October 2013. The program is credited with saving more than 100,000 people, but the cost — 9 million euros (about $10.7 million) per month — was too much for Italy to bear. And Italy, rightly, feels as though Europe should pay for what is essentially a European problem.

Europe’s limited replacement for Mare Nostrum, dubbed Triton and administered by the European Union border-control agency Frontex, doesn’t come close to Mare Nostrum’s Mediterranean-wide rescue effort. Triton’s €2.9 million per month budget is only a third of what Mare Nostrum’s was. The British government of Prime Minister David Cameron, which has claimed that rescuing migrants at sea will only encourage more to risk the journey, declined to contribute to Triton at all.

In the meantime, the smugglers operating out of the Turkish port of Mersin are using a despicable new tactic that is highly profitable. They are reaping millions of dollars in profits by filling old freighters destined for the scrap heap with mostly Syrian refugees willing to pay $6,000 per person for an illegal passage to Europe. Unlike the rickety boats that have carried most migrants headed for Europe from Libya, the freighters setting out from Turkey can be operated on winter’s stormier seas, allowing smugglers to expand their business into a year-round operation.

On Monday, the European Commission vowed swift action against smugglers aiming dilapidated freighters at Italy’s coastline. But there is only one way to put the smugglers out of business: create more legal avenues for migrants seeking safety, especially those trying to reunite with family members already in Europe.

Europe should also move to decriminalize illegal migration. This would encourage migrants to identify smugglers and their unscrupulous agents, and help law enforcement break up the criminal networks that prey on the most vulnerable groups. Given the murderous tactics of the traffickers, European leaders must find the resolve to set aside growing anti-migrant sentiment, and forge a united and adequately financed policy to stop this tragic trend at Europe’s door.

A version of this editorial appears in print on January 6, 2015, on page A22 of the New York edition with the headline: Migrant Deaths on the Mediterranean

Iniciativa Mérida: asalto profundo

John Saxe-Fernández

Carlos Montemayor advirtió hace siete años que uno de los resultados de la Iniciativa Mérida (IM) sobre la población y la nación mexicanas sería “una catastrófica guerra sucia”. Con sensibilidad histórica y analítica este estudioso de los movimientos armados alertó sobre lo que percibió como un desmembramiento de la conciencia ciudadana, parte nodal del proceso de involución social que acompañó al arribo de una nueva clase de políticos coyunturales sin visión histórica y estratégica sometidos al espejismo neoliberal.

En repaso con Blanche Pietrich de las facturas y descalabros que ha sufrido la seguridad nacional de México en las últimas tres décadas (La Jornada 10/12/07) el autor localizó con precisión quirúrgica uno de esos problemas centrales en la IM: el crecimiento de grupos paramilitares que en apariencia dejarán limpias las manos del Ejército, hasta que se salgan de control, como ocurrió en Colombia.

Para Montemayor es imprescindible hurgar en las distorsiones conceptuales de la IM, señal de que México enfrentaría más complicaciones severas que soluciones a sus conflictos internos, violencia, impunidad ante masacres, desapariciones, asesinatos, pobreza, desigualdad, hambre. La manipulación conceptual, bajo impulso de los no aclarados ataques terroristas del 11/S y de miles de millones de dólares provenientes del astronómico presupuesto del Departamento de Defensa (DoD) de EU se expresa en la adopción de nociones como terrorismo, “narco-insurgencia”, “narco-terrorismo” etc, como eje de uno de los pilares de la nueva arquitectura para la relación bilateral en materia de seguridad orientada, según anuncia en su sitio la delegación diplomática de EU, a crear una estructura fronteriza del siglo XXI sin abundar qué cubre el espacio del TLCAN y qué se realiza en función de la homeland security cuya traducción estricta no es seguridad interior, como suele hacerse, sino seguridad del suelo patrio, noción con reminiscencias no muy gratas del lenguaje nacionalsocialista, adoptado por Bush/Cheney.

Nótese que homeland security enfatiza tanto la dimensión de seguridad como la geográfica y que la IM se coloca en el espacio-TLCAN en el que opera el Comando Norte del Pentágono creado a raíz del 11/S, que adiestra, corteja y da línea a los altos mandos de México y Canadá. La opacidad jurídica que acompaña a la IM, un diseño geopolítico analizado por José Luis Piñeyro y Carlos Fazio, es de relevancia mayor. En Terrorismo Mediático (2013) y otros escritos, Fazio documenta que al ser interrogada Patricia Espinoza entonces secretaria de Relaciones Exteriores, por diputados que pidieron acceder al documento de la IM firmado con EU –¿quién lo firmó, qué compromisos se aceptaron y su fundamento jurídico? Respondió que no hay documento firmado. No es un tratado internacional; es un documento que refleja el compromiso de ambos gobiernos de trabajar de manera conjunta. Ante la insistencia de senadores Espinoza habló de un compromiso político, un acuerdo de voluntades… que no contiene obligaciones regidas por el derecho internacional. Por tanto, no se trata ni de un tratado que deba ser sometido a la aprobación del Senado (mexicano) ni un acuerdo interinstitucional, como lo define la Ley de celebración de Tratados.

Fazio nos recuerda que la IM fue definida por Tony Garza, embajador de EU en México, como el proyecto más agresivo jamás impulsado (por el gobierno de EU) en el Hemisferio Occidental. Hoy la Casa Blanca nos dice que la IM es un capítulo histórico ante amenazas a los ciudadanos en ambos lados de la frontera. Al ser definida la IM como capítulo histórico en lo fronterizo y en asuntos de seguridad parece ser una suerte de Tratado de Guadalupe Hidalgo II, solapado. Recuérdese que el Tratado de 1848 lo ratificó el senado de EU no sin gran oposición de quienes, bajo una versión elástica del destino manifiesto, querían aprovechar la oportunidad para apoderarse de todo México.

Hoy también y sin sanción legislativa aquí, ya que la homeland security de la IM incluye la creación de fronteras Siglo XXI en el espacio político-económico-militar del TLCAN-Comando Norte. Allan Bersin, alto asesor del Department of Homeland Security dijo en 2012 que (textual) la frontera de Guatemala con Chiapas, México, es ahora nuestra frontera sur (sic). Como eso viene con presupuestos, hechos y directrices, es de rigor, como advierten expertos en derecho internacional, una respuesta contundente del gobierno mexicano, porque existe la figura de aquiescencia: la aceptación tácita de hechos que puede convertirse en norma jurídica.

En medio del desastre de Tlatlaya y Ayotzinapa, que ya cimbra la conciencia ciudadana, la IM ¿capítulo histórico en materia de seguridad y frontera carente de legitimidad y legalidad en México? La IM es una gran catástrofe humana, un agravio y un asalto profundo a la nación. ¡Debe cancelarse!


· Informe califica de cumplidores dudosos los vuelos no tripulados

Por caros, recomiendan no usar más los drones en la frontera con México


Periódico La Jornada
Miércoles 7 de enero de 2015, p. 4


El programa de drones para la vigilancia fronteriza del Departamento de Seguridad Interior de Estados Unidos cuesta mucho más que lo que calcula el gobierno, sólo ha ayudado a arrestar una fracción de la cantidad de personas que tratan de cruzar ilegalmente la frontera con México y los aparatos vuelan muchas menos horas de las que afirman las autoridades, reveló un organismo de control interno.

En un informe publicado el martes, el inspector general John Roth dijo que las aeronaves no tripuladas Predator B que son utilizadas a lo largo de la frontera por la agencia de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza son cumplidores dudosos.

La agencia de Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza (CBP por sus siglas en inglés) no tiene formas de medir el rendimiento del programa, por lo que el organismo no puede demostrar que es eficaz, agregó.

La CBP no respondió de inmediato a una solicitud de correo electrónico para hacer comentarios.

Aduanas y Protección Fronteriza planeaba operar cuatro patrullas de aviones no tripulados de 16 horas al día cada uno, para un total de 23 mil 290 horas de vuelo durante el ejercicio presupuestal de 2013, que terminó el 30 de septiembre de 2013. Sin embargo, la auditoría de Roth encontró que los aviones realmente estuvieron en el aire unas 5 mil 100 horas, 22 por ciento del tiempo de vuelo previsto.

Los drones también han permitido relativamente pocas detenciones de personas que cruzan la frontera ilegalmente. En los dos sectores de más actividad de la Patrulla Fronteriza –Tucson, Arizona, y el Valle de Río Grande, en Texas– los drones sólo representaron 2 mil 270 de las más de 275 mil aprehensiones en 2013.

La CBP tiene nueve aviones que vuelan a lo largo de las fronteras de México y Canadá, así como las costas de Florida, Texas y el sur de California.

Un décimo avión no tripulado se desplomó en el océano Pacífico el año pasado tras sufrir problemas técnicos. La agencia esperaba agregar unos 14 aviones en los próximos años, pero la auditoría de Roth llegó a la conclusión de que los 443 millones de dólares que la agencia planea invertir en la ampliación de la flota podrían gastarse mejor en aviones tripulados y vigilancia terrestre.

La flota de drones no patrulla toda la frontera suroeste de Estados Unidos, como Seguridad Nacional había informado anteriormente, según encontró Roth. En cambio, las operaciones con aviones no tripulados están enfocadas en unos 160 kilómetros de frontera en Arizona y unos 100 kilómetros de la frontera en Texas.

La revisión del programa por Roth también encontró diferencias significativas en las estimaciones de costos. Los auditores concluyeron que el programa de aviones no tripulados costó aproximadamente 62.5 millones de dólares, o casi 12.255 dólares por hora, en 2013. La CBP estima un costo de 2 mil 468 dólares por hora de vuelo, pero ese precio no incluye los costes de operación, incluidos los pilotos, los equipos y los gastos generales.

Roth recomendó, entre otras cosas, que el departamento reconsidere la ampliación del programa de aviones no tripulados.

· Denuncian prejuicios de xenofobia que no corresponden a la realidad del país

Unas 80 figuras de Alemania alzan la voz contra el movimiento islamófobo Pegida

· Es un hecho que necesitamos de los inmigrantes, sostiene el ministro alemán de Finanzas

Militantes del Partido de la Social Democracia se manifestaron el lunes pasado en Berlín para expresar su rechazo al movimiento antimigrante Patriotas Europeos contra la Islamización de Occidente (Pegida, por sus siglas en alemán). Al respecto, el entrenador de la selección de futbol, Oliver Bierhoff, recordó: llegamos a campeones del mundo con muchos jugadores inmigrantes

Foto Reuters

Dpa, Afp, Notimex y The Independent

Periódico La Jornada
Miércoles 7 de enero de 2015, p. 24


Unas 80 celebridades y destacadas figuras de la política, el deporte y la cultura de Alemania, entre ellas los ex jefes de gobierno Helmut Schmidt y Gerhard Schroeder, alzaron la voz este martes contra el movimiento islamófobo Pegida, que protesta contra la ley de asilo y la llegada de nuevos inmigrantes al país.

En una declaración firmada por las 80 personalidades y publicada en el diario Bild, el más leído en el país, Schmidt (1974-1982) aseguró que las protestas de Pegida apelan a simples prejuicios de xenofobia e intolerancia, imagen que no corresponde a la Alemania de hoy. A su juicio, el país no debe expulsar a los refugiados ni a los solicitantes de asilo, sino que debe mantener una actitud abierta y tolerante.

Schroeder, antecesor de la canciller federal Ángela Merkel, reclamó un pronunciamiento honesto contra la xenofobia tras elogiar la actitud de los partidos políticos y de la iglesia, que mostraron una postura clara contra Pegida.

Pegida (siglas en alemán de Patriotas Europeos contra la Islamización de Occidente) es un movimiento de carácter xenófobo y antimusulmán que ha cobrando fuerza en Alemania en las últimas semanas. Sus integrantes provienen especialmente de la extrema derecha y el lunes logró concentrar a unas 18 mil personas en la ciudad de Dresde, un récord desde que comenzaron estas protestas en octubre.

No obstante, la movilización fue baja en otras partes del país, mientras las contramanifestaciones reunieron más gente en toda Alemania para pronunciarse por una sociedad más abierta y democrática.

El actual ministro del Exterior, Frank-Walter Steinmeier, afirmó que Pegida no sólo avergüenza al país, sino que le da mala imagen en el extranjero, en tanto que el ministro de Finanzas, Wolfgang Schauble, aclaró que las palabras no sustituyen los hechos: Alemania necesita inmigrantes.

El entrenador de la selección alemana de futbol, Oliver Bierhoff, recordó: llegamos a campeones del mundo con muchos jugadores de origen inmigrante, y apuntó que la misma naturalidad con la que vivimos la integración en la selección alemana debería funcionar en la sociedad.

De su lado, el fiscal general Jeremy Wright aumentó la presión a Twitter y Facebook para eliminar los comentarios islamófobos y racistas en sus sitios de Internet.

En este contexto, el presidente turco, Recep Tayyip Erdogan, acusó a la Unión Europea de xenofobia e islamofobia. Los incidentes racistas y discriminatorios, especialmente dirigidos contra musulmanes en Europa, ya no se pueden ocultar, sostuvo, y señaló que la UE ha hecho esperar muchos años a Turquía para poder ingresar al bloque comunitario.

Guatemala: ingreso de remesas aumentó 8,6% en 2014

Índice creció a pesar de que las autoridades migratorias estadounidenses deportaron a 51.157 guatemaltecos a lo largo del año.

Por: AFP

Las remesas familiares enviadas a Guatemala desde el extranjero crecieron un 8,6% en 2014 en relación con el año anterior, pese al aumento en la deportación de guatemaltecos desde Estados Unidos, informó este miércoles el Banco de Guatemala (Banguat, central).

En 2014 los guatemaltecos que residen en el exterior, principalmente en Estados Unidos, enviaron a este país centroamericano la cifra récord de US$5.544 millones frente a los US$5.105 millones reportados en 2013, precisó el informe del Banguat.

El flujo de remesas creció a pesar de que las autoridades migratorias estadounidenses deportaron a 51.157 guatemaltecos a lo largo del año, una cifra que representa un incremento del 1,86% con respecto al 2013.

El mes con mayores ingresos por remesas fue julio con US$509,7 millones, y el que tuvo menores ingresos fue febrero con US$383,3 millones, precisó el organismo.

En diciembre pasado, Guatemala recibió US$496 millones en concepto de remesas, un 11% más que el mismo mes del 2013.

Las remesas familiares representan uno de los pilares de la economía guatemalteca, equivalente a la mitad de los ingresos por exportaciones, alrededor de los US$10.000 millones.

El Banco Mundial, en un informe divulgado en setiembre, advirtió que un estancamiento en el crecimiento de las remesas a Guatemala "provocaría un shock efectivo en toda la economía".

Alrededor de 1,5 millones de guatemaltecos residen en el extranjero, de los cuales 1,3 millones están en Estados Unidos, la mayoría de manera ilegal, según la Organización Internacional para la Migraciones (OIM).



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